From collection Creating Acadia National Park: The George B. Dorr Research Archive of Ronald H. Epp

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Pepper, George W. (1867-1961)
Pepper, George W. (1867-1961)
Image of George Wharton Pepper painting. University Archives. University of Pennsylvania
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University Archives and Records Center
University of Pennsylvania
George Wharton Pepper (1867-1961)
Description: Portrait of "Former U.S. Senator" George Wharton Pepper in academic dress
Artist or photographer: Cameron Burnside
Date: undated
Medium: black and white photo of original oil painting
Location:
University Archives. The University of Pennsylvania
Alumni Records Collection
Box 2058: "Biographical Material. Photographs. Obituaries. Collection Material and Inventories"
Digital Reference: 20020722002
Note: See 1924
For use of digital images consult:
Chronological file re
Fee Schedule for Image Reproductions
Permission to Publish
Roads Hearing before
Protocols for the University Archives and Records Center
Securary of haterior
Work.
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Author: Pepper, George Wharton, 1867-1961.
Title: Miscellaneous manuscripts. 1906-1951.
Description: Archival/Manuscript Material
10 items (40 leaves).
Location: Rare Book & Ms Library Manuscripts
Call Number: Misc Mss
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Author: Pepper, George Wharton, 1867-1961.
Title: Miscellaneous manuscripts. 1906-1951.
Description: Archival/Manuscript Material
10 items (40 leaves).
Biography/History: George Wharton Pepper was a U.S. Senator from Pennsylvania.
Summary: Consists of three folders.
One folder contains assorted documents dated 1906-1909 relating to a cane belonging to Benjamin
Franklin that was in the possession of Lafayette's descendant. Marquis de Sahune de Lafayette. It
includes a copy (in English) of Sahune's declaration of the authenticity of the various
Lafayette/American Revolution relics in his possession: a declaration by Sahune's London
solicitor. W. Sanders Fiske. describing the Franklin cane: a copy of the description of the cane
from the French government auction catalogue: a letter from Pepper to Charles C. Harrison.
Provost of the University of Pennsylvania. stating his intention to present the cane to the
University: and a reply to Pepper.
The second folder contains ms. drafts of four political specches by Pepper. dated 1922-[1926]. One
is to the National Lumbermen's Association: the others concern Pepper's Senate re-election
campaign for 1926 and Andrew Mellon's support for Pepper's opponent. Edwin S. Vare, in the
Republican primary.
The third folder contains a letter dated 4 April 1951 to John L. Haney.
Provenance: The letter to Hancy was tipped into a copy of Pepper's book Philadelphia Lawyer: An
Autobiography (4th printing) (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott Company, 1944). with the bookplate
of John Louis Hancy: this copy is now owned by the University Library.
LC Subject(s): Franklin, Benjamin, 1706-1790
Lafayette, Marie Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert Du Motier, marquis de, 1757-1834.
Mellon, Andrew W. (Andrew William), 1855-1939.
Vare, Edwin S., 1867-1934.
United States. Congress. Senate. Elections Pennsylvania 1926.
Electioneering
Political campaigns.
Politics. practical.
United States History Revolution. 1775-1783.
United States History 18th century.
United States Politics and government 20th century.
Form/Genre: Speeches.
Notes: John L. Hancy was a professor of English and president of Central High School in Philadelphia.
He was elected to the American Philosophical Society in 1929.
Language(s): The description of the cane from the French government auction catalogue is in French.
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Other Contributors: Fiske, William Sanders.
Haney, John Louis, 1877-1960.
Harrison, Charles Custis, 1844-1929.
Sahune Dumottier de Lafayette, Paul Marie Rene Gaston de Pourcet, marquis de.
National Lumbermen's Association.
University of Pennsylvania.
Other Titles: Philadelphia lawyer, an autobiography. 1944.
Location: Rare Book & Ms Library Manuscripts
Call Number: Misc Mss
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Author: Pepper, George Wharton, 1867-
Title: Men and issues : a selection of speeches and articles by George Wharton Pepper, compiled by Horace
Green.
Publisher: New York, Duffield. 1924.
Description: Book
xiii. 308 p. front.. pl.. ports. 21 cm.
Location: Van Pelt Library Yarnall Collection
Call Number: P320 P396
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Author: Pepper, George Wharton, 1867-1961.
Title: In the Senate / by George Wharton Pepper.
Publisher: Philadelphia. University of Pennsylvania press : London, H. Milford. Oxford university press. 1930.
Description: Book
V. p.. 21., 3-148 p. front. (port.) 22 cm.
Location: High Density Storage: Request with PLACE REQUESTS tab
Call Number: 328.73SP39
Status: Available. check location
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JSTOR: American Historical Review: Vol. 51. No. 1. p. 137
Page 2 of 2
PHILADELPHIA LAWYER: AN AUTOBIOGRAPHY. By George Wharton
Pepper. (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Company. 1944 Pp. 407. $3.75.)
HISTORIANS usually expect to find little of value to their trade in a book of
random recollections written by an ex-senator during the seventy-seventh year of
his age and twenty years after it term in office of less than six years. This book
will agreeably disappoint them--and for three reasons. Mr. Pepper's methods of
preserving bis physical health (pp. 294-95) and mental resilience ("I must
thoroughly understand the modern point of view even if I cannot accept it," P. 283)
have proved effective; and he stubbornly refuses to lose his sense of humor or to
magnity his own importance.
This autobiography ranges among the experiences of a well-bred, upperclass
Philadelphia youth of liheral-conservative leanings, who became an outstanding
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138
Reviews of Books
professor of law, a public-spirited citizen, a strong pillar of the Episcopal Church,
an internationally known attorney, a frequent worker on the upper levels of
Republican politics, and a one-term appointee to the United States Senate.
Though he no longer teaches law or sits in the Senate, he continues even today
his energetic pursuit of his other occapations, and therefore his material comes
up to the moment,
The best part of this autobiography is its candid analysis of the genus senator
(pp. 135-223) all users of the Congressional Record should start to read this
section, and they are likely to follow it through unless they are of the "sacrosanct"
or "stuffed-shirt" breed of human animal. It will help to avoid silly notions as
to what a senator is and what he thinks he is. Other passages, on such episodes
as the fight against the League of Nations and the Republican Convention of 1940,
are limited to Pepper's own angle of participation; and from them readers may
scarcely guess of the venom in Lodge or of the paid claqueurs who raised the
Philadelphia convention hall rafters with yells for Willkie's nomination. Comment
on "T. R." is penetrating (pp. 81, 90-92); but Pepper misjudged La Follette
(p. 146) and evidently had no relish for detail on Penrose and Vare. His almost
uniform urbanity deserts him in some passages touching the New Deal, such as
that wherein he remarks that "while we now have most of the evils of totalitarian
government we are administering it wastefully and inefficiently" (p. 283).
A certain relish for comment on seamy sides of the F. D. Roosevelt administra-
tion is to be expected from anyone of the author's background and beliefs. He
belongs with the liberal-conservative class, which prominently led in American
decisions prior to Wilson; this class has contributed considerably more to American
upbuilding than many historians are willing to credit to them. As Mr. Pepper ob-
serves. his class is handicapped by its more fortunate status and naturally finds it
hard "to appreciate the anxieties of the so-called "underprivileged"
to imagine
Y.
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JSTOR: American Historical Review: Vol. 51. No. 1. p. 138
Page 2 of 2
WILL 11 IS IFK.C LE we Hungry au can airs HAIRASCO by SECURY 11. eyes.
11
is
all
achievement to realize the handicap, as the author shows by his analysis of why
capitalism needs a dynamic church (p. 200).
Much concerning legal cases and practice before the United States Supreme
Court adds to the interest of this book. Herein is repeatedly stressed the value of
habits of conference and compromise in a democracy. Some historians, as well as
Mr. Pepper, apprehend a trend among Americans to substitute for these habits
those of intolerance and of resort to force. Not all are as optimistic as the author,
who, as is the wont of most writers, closes his narrative by writing a foreword;
there Mr. Pepper testifies to our future: "Just as I am confident of personal im-
mortality 50 I believe that through the grave and gate of death America will pass
to a joyful resurrection. Perhaps it is only wishful thinking, but my belief is that
as America goes so will go the world."
Swarthmore, Pennsylvania
JEANNETTE P. NICHOLS
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George Wharton Pepper. Philadelphia Lawyer: An Autobiography.
Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott, 1944.
1889: Northwest Harbor becomes the Wharton's summer home and "there have only
been three summers in fifty-four years when we have failed to visit our beloved Mt.
Desert in the old days an ideal vacation ground for anybody who loved mountains and
sea and enjoyed the companionship of people of culture." (p. 318)
They stayed at the Kimball House until concerns about the impact of hotels on the
children, they built in 1900 a cottage of their own on School House Ledge. (p. 322)
Island was a "happy combination of wilderness and civilization." (p. 318)
In Sept. 1900 Pepper claims that he and a friend were, I believ e, the first "to walk in one
day [the 17 miles] from Bar Harbor to Northeast Harbor over nine intervening
mountains."
"Out of doors all day and engaged, for my part, in strenuous pastime on land and sea
"
"The Maine natives are shrewd and observing folk." (p. 319) "Your Maine native is
firmly determined to mind nobody's business but his own." (p. 320). "Maine men
seldom betray emotion but they have great depth of feeling." (p. 321). When he first
came to MDI the people seemed to be "to be of a finer type than most of those who live
there today[1944]." For association with "summer folk" has done the natives no good,
and standards of honesty have declined in the zeal to optimize the needs of seasonal
visitors.
Pepper also vacationed in the Adirondacks where he climbed Marcy. He climbed
Katahdin in 1904.
Concerned that the Northeast Harbor site was not sufficiently sugged, in 1907 he found a
location just north of Pretty Marsh at Goosemarch Point, a location almost inaccessible
except by water. Bought 10 acres of land which included two small islands in 1907.
Called Tern Rock Camp it continued to be their residence for more than three decades.
(p. .326).
No mention of Eliot, Dorr, Rockefeller, or road construction issues relative to Sec. Work.
PEPPER, George Wharton (1867-1961) Biographical Information
Page 1 of 1
Biographical Directory
of the
PEPPER, George Wharton, 1867-1961
United States Congress
Senate Years of Service: 1922-1927
Party: Republican
PEPPER, George Wharton, a Senator
from Pennsylvania; born in Philadelphia, Pa.,
March 16, 1867; prepared privately for
college; graduated from the University of
Pennsylvania at Philadelphia in 1887 and
1774 A Present
from that university's law department in
1889; was admitted to the bar in 1889 and
commenced practice in Philadelphia, Pa.;
Biography
professor of law at the University of
Pennsylvania 1894-1910, and trustee of the
Research Collections
university 1911-1961; chairman of the
Bibliography
Pennsylvania Council of National Defense
New Search
during the First World War; lecturer at Yale
University 1915; member of the commission
House History Page
on constitutional revision in Pennsylvania 1920-1921; appointed as a
Senate History Page
Republican and subsequently elected to the United States Senate to
fill the vacancy caused by the death of Boies Penrose and served
Copyright Information
from January 9, 1922, to March 3, 1927; unsuccessful candidate for
renomination in 1926; chairman, Committee on the Library (Sixty-
eighth Congress), Committee on Printing (Sixty-ninth Congress);
Republican national committeeman 1922-1928; resumed the practice
of law in Philadelphia, Pa.; died in Devon, Pa., May 24, 1961;
interment in Old St. David's Churchyard Cemetery, Wayne, Pa.
Bibliography
American National Biography; Dictionary of American Biography;
Pepper, George Wharton. In the Senate. Philadelphia: University of
Pennsylvania Press, 1930; Zieger, Robert. 'Senator George Wharton
Pepper and Labor Issues in the 1920s.' Labor History 9 (Spring
1968): 163-83.
http://bioguide.congress.gov/scripts/biodisplay.pl?index=P000219
1/31/2003
PEPPER, George Wharton (1867-1961) Guide to Research Papers
Page 1 of 2
Biographical Directory
of the
PEPPER, George Wharton, 1867-1961
United States Congress
Guide to Research Collections
American Catholic Historical Society of
Philadelphia
St. Charles Seminary
Philadelphia, PA
Papers: Correspondence in Walter George
1774 d Present
Smith papers, 1775-1972. Appointment
necessary.
Biography
Hagley Museum and Library
Research Collections
Greenville, DE
Bibliography
Papers: In Hamilton M. Barksdale papers,
New Search
1892-1918; and J. Howard Pew papers, 1902-1971.
House History Page
Senate History Page
Historical Society of Pennsylvania
Philadelphia, PA
Papers: Correspondence and papers in Pennsylvania Council of
National Defense records, 1917-1918.
Herbert Hoover Library
West Branch, IA
Papers: 1922-1927 and 1934-1956. 3 folders.
Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission
Harrisburg, PA
Papers: 71 items (1895-1955) of political correspondence,
patronage recommendations, and biographical data contained in
various collections. Finding aid.
Radcliffe College
Schlesinger Library
Cambridge, MA
Papers: In Dorothy Dunbar Bromley papers, 1897-1986; and Vira
Boarman Whitehouse papers, 1889-1957, available on 1 microfilm
reel.
Temple University Libraries
Urban Archives
http://bioguide.congress.gov/scripts/guidedisplay.pl?index=P000219
1/31/2003
PEPPER, George Wharton (1867-1961) Guide to Research Papers
Page 2 of 2
Philadelphia, PA
Papers: In Joseph Krauskopf papers, 1885-1923.
University of Pennsylvania Libraries
Philadelphia, PA
Papers: 1910-1953. 70 cubic feet. Includes correspondence (1910-
1953), speeches (1916-1956), VIP correspondence, and genealogical
materials. Also ca. 150 miscellaneous items (1885-1957) including
correspondence, poems and drawings, scrapbook of diplomas,
certificates and citations, medals and decorations, and political and
collegiate memorabilia.
Yale University Libraries
Manuscripts and Archives
New Haven, CT
Papers: In Harold Phelps Stokes papers, 1908-1969; Jerome New
Frank papers, 1918-1972; Edwin Montefiore Borchard papers,
1910-1950; Henry Lewis Stimson papers, 1846-1966; and Newman
Smyth papers, 1874-1924.
http://bioguide.congress.gov/scripts/guidedisplay.pl?index=P000219
1/31/2003
E. Digby Baltzell
PHILADELPHIA
GENTLEMEN
168F
pp
THE MAKING OF A NATIONAL UPPER CLASS
138
The Free Press, Glencoe, Illinois
CHAPTER I
Introduction
But the fact is that not only property, but the two
TO MY WIFE
institutions of property and social stratification are
in the same position of moral ambiguity. Both are
necessary instruments of justice and order, and yet
both are fruitful of injustice. Both have, no less than
government, grown up organically in traditional civi-
lizations in the sense that they were unconscious
adaptations to the needs of justice and order. The
revolts against both of them by both the radical
Christians and the radical secular idealists of the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries tended to be
indisa ninate.
REINHOLD NIEBUHR
LEADERSHIP and some form of stratification are inherent in all
human social organization. From the time of Plato's utopian
Republic, and his pupil Aristotle's more realistic Politics, the "few"
and the "many," the "rulers" and the "ruled," and the "Classes" and
the "masses" have been staple terms in the language of social
thought. Only in that delightful land of Oz are there more generals
than privates, and surely Alice might have found a "classless
society," like un-wet water, only in Wonderland. Yet perhaps man
has always dreamed of a golden age, free of the inevitable inequal-
ities of all historical class situations:
When Adam delved and Eve span
Who was then the Gentleman?
Although scientific realism is deified in our time, modern social
theory, from Rousseau through Marx to the present, betrays, never-
theless, a utopian tendency to measure the good society, often
equated with democracy, in terms of such sociological monstros-
ities as "majority leadership" or the "classless society." Robert
Michels, for instance, in his well-known study of European labor
movements, comes to the pessimistic conclusion that democracy
is impossible because of what he calls the "iron law of oligarchy. "1
While Michels is certainly right about the inevitability of "minority
( )
(4)
Introduction
Introduction
(5)
leadership," his conclusion, which assumes, falsely, the alterna-
Lowell, or Taft families have undoubtedly enriched the egalitarian
tives, oligarchy or democracy, leads only to confusion.
soil of American life.
Granted, all complex societies-aristocratic, democratic, or total-
This is the study of an hereditary.upp class, based on business
itarian-are oligarchical in that the few rule the many. A less
wealth and power, which has grown up in Philadelphia during the
utopian, more empirical test of democracy is whether the inevitable
two hundred or more years since the city's founding by that ec-
"minority of leaders," or oligarchy, is both accountable to the rest
centric Quaker aristocrat, William Penn, in 1682. It is not our
of the population and drawn from all social levels and not solely
intention to attack the evils of hereditary wealth and the long-
from the ranks of a few privileged families. Parliamentary repre-
established family traditions in Philadelphia. We are concerned
sentation, the two-party system, and universal suffrage, for example,
with an historical analysis of the structure and function of upper-
are important, if imperfect, means of securing accountability; the
class institutions. While assuming the desirability of established
inheritance tax, the abolition of entail and primogeniture, and
institutions which create an upper class consciousness-of-kind and
universal free education are all designed to mitigate the advantages
more or less primary group solidarity, we shall nevertheless often
of birth and to foster social mobility in an open class, rather than
refer to the abuses of privilege and the all too human frailties
a classless society. ²
which inevitably prevent the proper functioning of such institu-
In modern America, virtue and social mobility have become
tions. Finally, in many ways this is an analysis of the adequacy
synonymous. Our vices are often perverted virtues, however, and
of American institutions fostering, among the rich and the
too much social mobility, especially at the elite level, perhaps may
powerful, a sense of noblesse oblige, an old sociological concept
weaken the traditional means of checking the power of leaders.
which seems to have found no place in the literature of contem-
If power and authority are the bricks and mortar of all social
porary American social science.
structures, an upper class, based on inherited wealth and position,
Philadelphia has been chosen as the central focus of this analysis
is but the organic institutionalization of power and authority
of American upper class institutions for several reasons: First,
within a traditional circle of privileged families. The revolutionary
there was the need to study the problem of social stratification in
vanguard and party elites in modern dictatorships, or "Café Society"
a large metropolitan area. During the nineteen thirties and forties,
in this age of lonely crowds and mass communications, are but
American sociologists, with elaborate staffs trained in interviewing
other, and perhaps more mechanical, ways of organizing the con-
techniques, the filling out of schedules, and the Operation of IBM
sciousness of kind and primary group solidarity of a privileged
machines, made numerous, painstaking investigations of the social
leadership. Although "Café Society" or the party elite may cer-
systems in the small community. Very little systematic research,
tainly be more democratic in their criteria for membership in the
however, has been done on the metropolitan class structure. Phila-
inner circle, perhaps an hereditary upper class may prove to be
delphia, a major American city since colonial times, not only
a more effective mediating group in institutionalizing the account-
provides a particularly good laboratory for studying the structure
ability of authority. After more than a century of concentrated
of well-established, urban institutions; it also is a convenient start-
attack on the evils of hereditary wealth and property, the problem
ing point for an analysis of the development of a national upper
of the accountability of power in an atomistic mass society has
class in America which cuts across local boundaries to include
arisen to challenge the assumptions of the Western intellectual
fashionable families in all the older urban centers from San Fran-
world. Certainly the liberal tradition, firmly grounded in the eight-
cisco to New York, Boston, Philadelphia, or Baltimore. A description
eenth century intellectual's mistrust of all established institutions,
of the development of this national, metropolitan upper class will
has too often failed to realize that both the democratic and aristo-
be an important task of this book. Secondly, Philadelphia provides
cratic social processes are, like Siamese twins, indivisibly bound
an excellent example of a business aristocracy which has too often
together in all healthy societies. Such patrician traditions of leader-
placed the desire for material comfort and security above the
ship and accomplishment provided by the Roosevelt, Adams,
duties of political and intellectual leadership. While this is an
(6)
Introduction
Introduction
(7)
all too common characteristic of modern commercial upper classes
the company of other executives and scientists more congenial
in general, both in Europe and America, the gradual withdrawal
than that of a peasant or manual laborer. In this way different
of the Philadelphia gentleman away from public service and into
habits of speech, manners, and dress are built up and transmitted
the counting house is a concrete illustration of a secular trend in
from one generation to the next. In addition, the tendency for
this country which began with the rise of great fortunes after the
families of similar social station to live near each other in the same
Civil War.
community leads to the choice of marriage partners from families
The Elite and the Upper Class. A systematic treatment of
with approximately the same background. All these forces are at
social stratification usually has to arrive at some specific number of
work in the Soviet Union, and it is safe to predict that they will
class levels. It is important to realize, however, that one divides a
eventually result in the emergence of a class system resembling in
community into as many class levels as one must for the purposes
many ways that in the Unite States.
"f
at hand. Class levels are logical concepts to be used for analytical
"Twenty years ago," the English expert on the Russians, Edward
purposes: to fail to realize this and to "discover" in any community
Hallett Carr, wrote in 1951, school was started in the Kremlin
three, six, or nine classes is to run the risk of reification (the taking
in Moscow for children of high party and Soviet officials. Nobody
as real that which is only conceptual).4
supposes that its function was to enable these children to start
For the purposes of this book, then, we shall act as if there
equal with other Russian children."
were two aspects of high class position, an elite and an upper
The upper class concept, then, refers to a group of families,
class. The elite concept refers to those individuals who are the
whose members are descendants of successful individuals (elite
most successful and stand at the top of the functional class hier-
members) of one, two, three or more generations ago. These fam-
archy. These individuals are leaders in their chosen occupations or
ilies are at the top of the social class hierarchy; they are brought
professions; they are the final-decision-makers in the political,
up together, are friends, and are intermarried one with another;
economic or military spheres as well as leaders in the law, engineer-
and, finally, they maintain a distinctive style of life and a kind
ing, medicine, education, religion and the arts. Regardless of social
of primary group solidarity which sets them apart from the rest
origin or family position, whether Negro, Gentile or Jew, all suc-
of the population. As Dixon Wecter put it: "A group of families
cessful and productive men and women are included within our
with a common background and racial origin becomes cohesive,
elite concept.
and fortifies itself by the joint sharing of sports and social activities,
In any stable social structure, certain elite members and their
by friendship and intermarriage. Rough and piratical grandfathers
families will quite naturally over the years tend to associate with
had seized their real estate, laid out their railroads, and provided
one another in various primary group situations and thereby
for their trust funds. The second and third generation, relieved
develop a consciousness-of-kind and distinctive style of life. From
from the counting house and shop, now begin to travel, buy books
Middletown to Moscow, this is a universal social process. In their
and pictures, learn about horses and wine, and cultivate the art
second study of Middletown, for instance, the Lynds found that
of charm."8
"around the families of the now grown-up sons and sons-in-law
Although this book will be concerned primarily with an analysis
of the X clan, with their model farms, fine houses, riding clubs,
of the growth and development of an American metropolitan upper
and airplanes, has developed a younger set that is somewhat more
class, we shall constantly stress the relationship between an upper-
coherent, exclusive, and self-consciously upper class."5 Similarly,
class way of life and the present and past accomplishment of the
in Moscow, Barrington Moore, Jr., finds "evidence of a cultural
elite individuals who, in the long run, make this way of life pos-
separation of the new holders of high status from the masses of
sible. C. Wright Mills has stressed the importance of tracing the
the population. In their leisure time the intelligentsia mingle more
relationship between the upper class and the elite in the following
with one another than with the uneducated. It requires no great
passage: "Are the intermarriage chances, the flow of prestige,
insight to perceive that a Soviet executive or scientist would find
influenced by what happens in banks? What is the distribution of
(8)
Introduction
Introduction
( 9 )
legal skill, by family, by firm? Are there overlaps between the
Proper Philadelphia Institutions. After first establishing the
boards of banks, the elders of churches, and the prestige of min-
nature of upper-class leadership in the Philadelphia business and
isters? Are 'social circles' and religious affiliations subtly inter-
banking community in 1940, we will devote the major part of this
woven with financial interests?" It is to be hoped that these
study to an intensive analysis of how the small, Proper Phila-
B
questions asked by Mills will be partially answered in this book.
delphia world was set off from the rest of the community by a
common historical tradition and institutional structure which, over
Who's Who and the Social Register:
the years, nourished the growth of a distinctive style of life and
Elite and Upper-Class Indices
value system. (For convenience and sriety, "Proper Philadelphia"
as
well as "Proper New You Boston, or San Francisco" will be
Who's Who in America, a listing of brief biographies of lead-
used interchangeably with the term "upper class.") In large part,
ing individuals in contemporary American life, and the Social
this analysis will consist of an historical discussion of upper-class
Register, a listing of families of high social class position, will be
institutions: the family, the neighborhood, the church, the private
used as indices respectively of an elite and upper class. 10 In 1940
school and university, and the social club.
separate volumes of the Social Register were issued for each of
The tap root of any upper class, that which nourishes each
twelve large metropolitan areas in this country: New York, Chicago,
contemporary generation with a sense of tradition and historical
Cincinnati-Dayton, Buffalo, Boston, Baltimore, Philadelphia, St.
continuity, is a small group of families whose members were born
Louis, Pittsburgh, Cleveland, San Francisco, and Washington, D.C.
to that class, and whose ancestors have been 'to the manor born'
Of the approximately 12,000 residents of these twelve cities who
for several generations. This institutional analysis, then, will begin
were listed in Who's Who in that year, about one-fourth were
with the history of when and how the founders of some sixty
also listed in the Social Register. In other words, the members of
Proper Philadelphia families first rose to positions of wealth and
the upper classes had considerable influence on the elite in these
power. We shall show how these family founders, a majority of
cities.
whom were included in the Dictionary of American Biography
h
Chapter II will discuss the rise of a national upper class in
(a convenient index of an historical elite), came to the fore in
America during the last decades of the nineteenth century, and
Philadelphia's cultural and economic life during three fairly dis-
how the Social Register was founded in response to the need for
tinct historical periods. First, there were the eighteenth-century
a formal listing of this new, inter-city plutocracy. The chapters
merchants and statesmen who produced Proper Philadelphia's
which follow will be concerned primarily with the historical
Golden Age; these first family founders were followed by the pre-
development and contemporary structure of the Philadelphia up-
Civil War founders of family manufacturing firms and investment
per class and its influence in the local elite in 1940. The nature of
banking houses; and, finally, there were the late nineteenth- and
h
this contemporary relationship between the elite and the upper
early twentieth-century entrepreneurs who founded newer, and
class will be based on an analysis of the brief biographies of the
often fabulously wealthy, family lines.
770 Philadelphians who were listed in the 1940 Who's Who. Of
On the whole, the 'old' family clans were founded before the
these 770 members of the city's elite, 226, or 29 per cent, were
Civil War. Even in 1940, those of more recent wealth were still
a
also members of the local upper class. Their Who's Who biogra-
considered 'new.' '11 Continuity in change, however, is the mark
h
phies show how the members of the upper class (the 226 listed
of a healthy society. The descendants of these family founders,
P
in the Social l Register ) differed significantly, in occupation, place
whether they were East India merchants, colonial statesmen,
of residence, religious affiliation, education, and club membership,
pioneering manufacturers, railroad executives, coal barons, or trac-
it
from the rest of the elite (the 544 not listed in the Social Register)
tion tycoons, have intermarried and been assimilated into the
who were drawn from a wide variety of social class and ethnic
fairly homogeneous subcultural world of Proper Philadelphia. In
backgrounds.
addition to piling up great fortunes and founding family dynasties,
(10)
Introduction
Introduction
( 11 )
these men also established various upper-class institutions which,
along the Main Line be discussed in any detail. Too often, social
in turn, structured this process of assimilation by providing ways
criticism of the privfleged classes has treated the member of the
and means for the old and new rich to play and learn and worship
Social Register as superficial "socialites," irresponsibly outside the
together. They built up the fashionable Victorian neighborhood
main stream of American life. Although this view may reinforce a
around Rittenhouse Square after the Civil War, and then moved
hypocritical definition of democracy, it is nevertheless bad sociol-
their families out to such secluded suburbs as Chestnut Hill,
ogy; and it is not borne out in the Philadelphia Social Register,
which was planned and developed almost single-handedly by one
which listed, with certain ethnic exceptions, almost all the most
large landowner, and the Main Line, an early suburban preserve
powerful bankers and businessmen in the city in 1940.
d
for Pennsylvania Railroad executives. While most of them were
Even more disturbing are the sophisticated critics of American
originally Quakers, Presbyterians, Lutherans, and even Baptists,
society who reinforce this popular view of the 'leisure classes.' The
they soon built fashionable Episcopal churches around the Square
highly entertaining, if often inaccurate, writings of the late Thor-
and out in the suburbs, where the vast majority of their more
stein Veblen, for instance, inadvertently played down the facts of
genteel descendants were to worship eventually. They founded
power by their very emphasis on the conspicuously consuming
local private schools for their children, and also the University
leisure-time activities of America's new plutocracy at the turn of
of Pennsylvania which played an important role in preparing their
the century. 13 Even the serious sociology of W. Lloyd Warner, in
descendants for useful careers in law and medicine. And, of
stressing the fact that the old family leaders in Yankee City were
course, they had their exclusive clubs; election to membership
looked up to because they "knew how to act" or possessed an
was the final mark of entrance into the brotherhood of Proper
inherited good taste in furniture, may have confused a by-product
Philadelphia.
with the basis of privilege. 14
lo
In the course of the twentieth century, as transportation im-
Perhaps Harvey Warren Zorbaugh, in The Gold Coast and the
proved and the national corporation serving a national market
fa
Slum, has succeeded in reinforcing the popular stereotype of the
became the norm, the New England Episcopalian boarding schools
"socialite" more successfully than most serious sociologists. 15 In
hi
and the more fashionable Eastern universities began to educate
this early sociological classic, one of the few references to the Social
th
an inter-city and national upper class. These fashionable family-
Register in the literature of sociology occurs in the following
surrogates taught the sons of the new and old rich, whether from
paragraph:
ge
Boston, Baltimore, Philadelphia, or San Francisco, the subtle
The "social game" is a constant competition among those who are
nuances of an upper-class way of life. After World War I, the old
"in" for distinction and pre-eminence; a constant struggle upon the
school tie, or the "Ivy Leaf" and "Porcellian Pig," became totem
part of those who are not "in" to break into the circles of those who are
symbols of pedigreed associational status recognized all over
in. Perhaps as good a criterion as there is of social position, which is the
hd
America (at least within upper-class circles). Wherever possible,
goal in the "social game," is the Social Register, a thin blue book which
then, we shall stress the fact that Proper Philadelphia is part of a
one can own only by virtue of having one's name in, containing a
complete list of Chicago's socially acceptable, with their universities,
national upper class with a similar way of life, institutional struc-
their clubs, their marriages, their connections, and their deaths. To have
an
ture, and value system.
one's name in the Social Register "one must not be 'employed' [sic!]; one
hi
must make application; and one must be above reproach. "16
pr
Leadership, and the exercise and retention of power within a
Some people of course have always played the "social game,"
small and hereditary group of families, is the ultimate end and
and they have not always, or only, been members of the upper
it
justification for an upper-class way of life. For this reason, anec-
class. But few of the Proper Philadelphians who built up family
dotes about the charming idiosyncrasies of Proper Philadelphia
G
fortunes have had either the time or the inclination to play the
will be avoided in favor of institutional analysis.¹ Nor will the
game; nor, for the most part, have their socially secure descendants.
behavior patterns of the leisured classes enjoying their leisure
Moreover, exclusive private schools, neighborhoods, and social
(12)
Introduction
Introduction
( 13 )
clubs are not necessarily frivolous aspects of the "social game" but,
new businessmen had replaced the merchant-statesmen as typical
rather, an important means of consolidating a continuity of particu-
Proper Philadelphians.
lar and partial power in the serious world of affairs. Even that
The half-century following the Civil War, of course, produced
ubiquitous upper-class rite of passage-the debutante ritual-serves
a fabulous plutocracy whose handsome mansions surrounded Rit-
the latent function of containing family wealth and power within
tenhouse Square. Although the "Protestant ethic" still spurred on
a small select circle; the democratic whims of romantic love often
the parvenu, Proper Philadelphia increasingly preferred the rich-
play havoc with class solidarity.
ness of the Anglican ritual, and, in many subtle ways, a rigid code
of drawing-room manners gradually replaced the more ancient
Recent American social science has suffered from an unfortu-
moral values. The capitalist-entrepreneur still dominated the family
nate "time-provincialism": sociology without history and psychol-
firm as well as the patriarchal household. As the century waned,
ogy without biography has become the norm. Throughout our
however, the fashionable investment bankers were busy creating
discussion of the development of Proper Philadelphia institutions,
a corporate concentration which would, of course, eventually spell
the changing economic and social conditions upon which they
the end of the family firm and all it meant to family power and
were ultimately based will be emphasized constantly. We shall
sense of responsibility.
show, first of all, how Penn's city was ruled by a small Quaker
The period between the two world wars marked the final stage
oligarchy during most of the eighteenth century, and how these
of this upper class history. The advent of the income tax, and the
devout Quaker grandees founded several prolific family lines
federal centralization accelerated by World War I, paved the way
which have continued to produce important leaders in the city
for the final triumph of an inter-city aristocracy based on affiliation
for over two centuries. Eventually, however, the Indian Wars,
with fashionable boarding schools, universities and clubs rather
the general increase in wealth, and the ideas of the Enlighten-
than prominent family position alone. These economic trends
ment, which infected so many scions of good Quaker families
paralleled the social and sexual revolution of the twenties: the
during their quest for education abroad, all combined to pro-
emancipation of women, the decline of male and parental author-
duce a new Anglican gentry during Philadelphia's Golden Age
ity, combined with the final destruction of the "Protestant e thic"
-the years following the Revolutionary War. Federalist and Angli-
all served to weaken the power of the family.
can Proper Philadelphia was at that time the host to the New
The steady stream of immigrants from southern and eastern
World's most sophisticated and talented leaders. A class of gentle-
Europe who came to America between 1880 and 1918 were to
men, steeped in the classics as well as the political theory of Locke
eventually change the traditional ethnic composition of the elite;
and Rousseau, reluctantly had taken the lead in rebellion against
and especially the predominantly Anglo-Saxon upper-class position
the British Empire, and subsequently wrote the new nation's con-
of leadership. As the descendants of these new immigrants would
stitution after lengthy deliberation on Philadelphia's Independence
not, however, materially change the ethnic composition of Ameri-
can leadership until after World War II, this is another reason for
Square.
focusing this study on the pre-war era.
After the War of 1812, a new bourgeois ethic entered the genteel
There were other signs of change in the air by 1940; even
drawing rooms around Washington and Independence Squares;
though most of them waited for the close of World War II to
Proper Philadelphia was busy assimilating the pioneers of Ameri-
assert themselves. This was, of course, the period of the gradual
ca's soon-to-be-predominant business class. These were the days of
retreat of the entrepreneur in favor of the large corporation em-
the founding of family firms, both in manufacturing and banking;
ployee; the investment banker began to lose power and prestige
the consolidation of coal-mining interests; and the founding of
as the large corporations, large insurance companies, and the
such Proper Philadelphia institutions as the Pennsylvania Railroad
federal government began to invade the money market; at the
and the Philadelphia Club. By the close of the Civil War, these
same time public relations, invented by that proper Princetonian,
Ivy Lee, became the newest rage; clean-cut young men from fash-
( 14 )
Introduction
CHAPTER II
ionable universities went into advertising rather than Wall Street.
The bank account and the trust fund, life blood of an upper class,
were replaced by the expense account and elaborate corporation
The American Metropolitan
retirement plans. It was the beginning of the new corporate feudal-
ism and atomistic society of rank (cradle-to-the-grave security for
Upper Class and the Elite
those who play the game); local ties and family prestige were to be
replaced eventually by the coat of arms of the "company man,"
that new aristocratic nomad who would move from suburb to
Unlimited political democracy in America, for
suburb, in city after city, especially in the early years of his mar-
instance, does not prevent the growth of a raw
riage when, in a previous age, he would have been busy establishing
plutocracy, or even an aristocratic prestige group,
himself in some local community.
which is slowly emerging. The growth of this "aris-
tocracy" is culturally and, historically as important
Philadelphia has been going through a cultural, civic and politi-
as that of plutocracy, even though it usually goes
cal renaissance since the end of World War II. Perhaps this is one
unnoticed.
of the best reasons for concentrating on the pre-war period-when
MAX WEBER
conservative gentlemen-bankers and businessmen were still in con-
trol of the city. Fashionable Philadelphians are still powerful today
in many areas, and leadership in the new reform movements in-
THE history of Western Civilization has been, in many ways, the
cludes many Proper Philadelphians, but the new social forces as-
story of the rise and fall of great metropolitan centers: Athens and
serting themselves in the city must eventually result in new bal-
Rome in the ancient world, Constantinople in the age of transition,
ance of power between the traditional upper class and other centers
Paris, along with Naples, Venice, and Milan in the Renaissance,
of influence. In the exciting decade of reform since the war, life in
London in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and, finally,
Philadelphia has changed, but it is still too soon for any objective
New York in the twentieth, each in its day, marked the center of
assessment of the changes.
pomp and power in the western world over a span of twenty-five
All this suggests that 1940, the eve of America's entry into the
centuries. And in each city, at the zenith of its power, an aristoc-
Second World War to save democracy, may definitely have
racy of wealth or an upper class emerged. The last years of the
marked the end of another era in the history of Proper Philadel-
Republic in Rome, when the Senate was an aristocracy of wealth,
phia. While the era may, in fact, have ended in 1929, in our rapidly
and the "Gilded Age" in America when the Senate was known as
changing society the top echelons of any elite usually remain in
the "Millionaires' Club" may be similar sociological periods.
command beyond the historical period in which they made their
In the same vein, American history is partly reflected in the
way to the top. It must be borne in mind that the Philadelphians
rise of different cities to positions of affluence and power: Salem
listed in Who's Who in 1940 made their way, on the whole, before,
and Newport rose to prominence along with the merchant shipper
or just immediately after, World War I. The 1930's were indeed a
of the eighteenth century. Atlanta, Charleston, Richmond, New
new era on the national political scene, but in Philadelphia, the
Orleans, and Mobile were centers of affluence in those chivalrous
same business leaders remained at the helm all through the Depres-
days just before the Civil War when the planter aristocracy domi-
sion. A depression usually consolidates the power of those in
nated the United States Senate. Within the last few decades, Los
control at its beginning; modern war, on the other hand, is pro-
Angeles and Detroit manifest a modern opulence as they supply the
ductive of new elites and new family founders. Thus, with the
demands of a mass culture for movement and entertainment. Not
exception of a few references to the present for historical contrast,
the least indicative of the trend of our times is the growth of the
we shall center our discussion on Proper Philadelphia prior to
nation's capital as the result of the shift in power from Wall Street
World War II.
to the government bureaucracy.
15 )
168 )
The Old Family Core of the 1940 Elite
The Old Family Core of the 1940 Elite
( 169)
The Peppers and Ingersolls have been leading Proper Phila-
Dr. William Pepper and William Mifflin Wharton, a Philadelphia
delphia families for several generations. In 1940 there were nine
lawyer. 11 His father, Dr. George Pepper, who fought in the Civil
Pepper and ten Ingersoll conjugal family units listed in the Social
War where he was wounded at Fredericksburg, unfortunately died
Register; three Peppers and two Ingersolls were also listed in
when young George was only six years of age. Although born
Who's Who. George Wharton Pepper and R. Sturgis Ingersoll
in his grandmother Pepper's house on Walnut Street, "a mark of
were leading members of the bar, C. Jared Ingersoll was a railroad
social respectability," George Wharton Pepper spent his boyhood
executive, and William Pepper and O. H. Perry Pepper were
on less fashionable Pine and South Sixteenth Streets, with pleasant
physicians, Dean and Professor, respectively, of the University
summers at his grandmother's estate in Chestnut Hill. He was
of Pennsylvania Medical School. Brief biographical profiles of
educated at home by his mother who believed in verbal memory
George Wharton Pepper and R. Sturgis Ingersoll will indicate the
of the Bible, the Book of Common Prayer, and a "considerable
difference between the two generations of first-family Phila-
amount of poetry." The Peppers were devout Episcopalians, and
delphians. Pepper was of the older and Ingersoll of the younger
young George was baptized and confirmed at St. Mark's Protest-
generation.
ant Episcopal Church, at Sixteenth and Walnut Streets.He was a
As we have seen, the Pepper fortune was founded by George
member of the parish in 1940.
Pepper, a successful merchant and brewer, whose descendants
In 1883, young Pepper entered the University of Pennsylvania
have been the city's first family of medicine for more than three
as a rather "provincial but eager freshman." As he observes in
generations. George Pepper's great-grandson, George Wharton
his autobiography:
Pepper, deviated slightly from family tradition when he entered
Those were the days when the son went to the father's college
the legal profession. He was the dean of the Philadelp ia bar
pretty much as a matter of course. In our case the ties that bound us to
in 1940.
the University were unusually strong. My grandfather Wharton had
Born in 1867, George Wharton Pepper was the grandson of
been a trustee and my grandfather Pepper a professor in the Medical
School. My father, my step-father and my uncle, Dr. William Pepper,
had not only graduated from the college and its professional schools
Table 16-Philadelphians in Who's Who in 1940 Who Were Also Listed in the
but had all been members of the same Greek letter fraternity. Moreover,
Social Register in 1900-Summary of Sociological Characteristics
my Uncle William had recently been elected provost of the University.
Somebody, in speaking of the Pepper family in relation to the Univer-
SOCIOLOGICAL
sity, has remarked that it has not been a succession but a dynasty.12
CATEGORIES
AGE GROUPS
The 34 Males
The 35 Males
After graduation from the University, Pepper went to the law
Who Were Over
Who Were Under
65 in 1940
65 in 1940
school from which he graduated in 1889 with high honors. That
Neighborhood
summer he spent with his future father-in-law to be and his fiancée
Main Line-Chestnut Hill
61%
80%
at Northeast Harbor, on Mt. Desert, which was destined to become
Religious Affiliation
his summer home for many years to come (this resort is probably
Episcopalian
56%
66%
the most fashonable and popular Proper Philadelphia resort to
Type of Schooling
Private Schools
50%
70%
this day). The next fall, Pepper went to work for Biddle and
(Groton, St. Paul's, St. Mark's)
( 3%)
(23%)
Ward, a Philadelphia law firm and, in addition, held a teaching
(Episcopal Academy)
(20%)
(9%)
fellowship at the law school. For half a century, George Wharton
College Attended
Pepper has been one of the leading "Philadelphia lawyers."
University of Pennsylvania
53%
46%
Senator Boies Penrose died in office in 1921. The following
Harvard, Yale, Princeton
3%
40%
January Governor Sproul came down to Philadelphia where he
Club Affiliation
Philadelphia Club
69%
met George Wharton Pepper at the Philadelphia Club and offered
39%
Rittenhouse Club
39%
26%
him the Senate seat for Penrose's unexpired term. Pepper hesitated
170)
The Old Family Core of the 1940 Elite
The Old Family Core of the 1940 Elite
(171)
at first ("Never in my life have I felt the itch for public office.
many leaders of the present "ulcer" generation. "Glancing astern"
and asked for some time to think the matter over. Three days
in his autobiography, Pepper observes that "after all, it is in the
later, after talking the matter over with a few close friends, Pepper
home that my greatest happiness has been found."
agreed to serve. On January 9, 1922, in the presence of Chief
Justice Robert von Moschzisker and General W. W. Atterbury,
The Ingersolls have been prominent members of the Philadel-
President of the Pennsylvania Railroad, the Governor presented
phia bar since the eighteenth century. The first member of the
Pepper with his formal commission to serve.
family in America, John Ingersoll, came to Salem, Massachusetts,
Senator Pepper spent almost two terms in Washington, was
from Bedfordshire, England, in 1629.13 His grandson, Jared Inger-
re-elected in 1922, and finally defeated in 1927 due to the opposi-
soll, a distinguished lawyer and King's Attorney in Connecticut,
tion of the powerful Vare machine which had consolidated itself
was appointed Stamp-Master-General for New England, in 1765,
in Philadelphia after the death of Boies Penrose. The years in the
and remained a Tory during the Revolution. At one point during
Senate had severely strained his financial resources and the return
the war, he was staying in the same Philadelphia boarding house
to Philadelphia, from this point of view, "was a welcome relief."
with the fiery patriot, Samuel Adams. John Adams described his
George Wharton Pepper has been a long-time and devoted
cousin's boarding house companions as "a curious group consisting
trustee of the University of Pennsylvania, a member of the Ameri-
of characters, as opposite as North and South. Ingersoll, the stamp
can Philosophical Society, a past president of the American Law
man and Judge of Admiralty; Sherman, an old Puritan, as honest
Institute, a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences,
as an angel and as firm in the cause of American Independence
and a member of the Franklin Institute. He is the author of
as Mount Atlas; and Col. Thornton, as droll and funny as Tristram
ten books, including, The Borderland of Federal and State De-
Shandy. Between the fun of Thornton, the gravity of Sherman,
cisions, Pleading at Common Law, and Digest of the Laws of
the formal Toryism of Ingersoll, Adams will have a curious time
Pennsylvania. He is a member of the Rittenhouse, University,
of it. The landlady, too, who has buried four husbands, one tailor,
and Racquet clubs and his wife (deceased) was a member of
two shoemakers, and Gilbert Tenant, and still is ready for a fifth
the Acorn Club.
and still deserves him too, will add to the entertainment.'
Senator Pepper, as he is even now called by his friends, married
Jared Ingersoll, son of Judge Ingersoll of Connecticut, was the
Charlotte Root Fisher, daughter of Professor George Park Fisher
founder of the Philadelphia Ingersoll clan. After graduating from
of New Haven and Yale, in 1890, and they had two children. Their
Yale, in 1765, he came down to Philadelphia and read law under
son was an architect of some repute in the city, and their daughter
Joseph Reed. During the Revolution, he was in London complet-
is married to an investment banker and broker. The Pepper home
ing his education at the Inner Temple. Upon his return to Phila-
is in Devon on the "Main Line."
delphia, he became the city's leading lawyer, including both
This brief biography of Senator Pepper illuminates the nature
Robert Morris and Stephen Girard among his clients. According
of the gentleman of wide and worthwhile interests in the com-
to Charles A. Beard, his practice "was larger than any others
munity. Characteristically, his earliest American ancestors were
his opinions were taken on all important controversies, his services
businessmen while their sons were physicians or lawyers. His
engaged in every litigation."15
early religious training was followed by a lifelong service to the
Although primarily concerned with his private law practice,
Episcopal Church in many leading lay capacities. Although he
Ingersoll attained a certain prominence in public life: in addition
knew little of practical politics, he served when called and was
to his membership in the Constitutional Convention, he was a
soon defeated, because, as he himself admits, he did not cater
delegate to the First Continental Congress, Attorney General of
sufficiently to public opinion. His life has been both a happy
Pennsylvania for two brief periods, and a candidate for the Vice
and useful one with hard work sensibly blended with participation
Presidency, on the Federalist ticket, in 1812.
in athletics and life out of doors, a balance hardly attained by
Jared Ingersoll's great-great-grandson, R. Sturgis Ingersoll,
( 220)
Neighborhood and the Class Structure
Neighborhood and the Class Structure
(221)
Benjamin Disraeli, in an age less addicted to environmental
the beauty and simplicity of life on the island. President Eliot of
determinism than our own, once said that man is not the creature
Harvard, Bishop Lawrence of Massachusetts, and Bishop William
of circumstances but circumstances are the creatures of men. Thus,
Duane of New York ("William of Albany" who wore gaiters after
as the "promoters"-Jay Cooke, Peter A. B. Widener, and John
the Anglican tradition) were leaders, sometimes autocratic, of the
Wanamaker-set the tone of the Old York Road neighborhood, or
early island community. The intellectual tradition has been car-
Baldwin and Pennsylvania Railroad executives put their stamp on
ried on by such permanent summer residents as Walter Lippman,
the Main Line, the less conforming, more intellectual families like
Arthur Train, F. Marion Crawford, Mary Roberts Rinehart, and
the Furnesses and Willcoxes symbolized the atmosphere of Media,
Philadelphia's S. Weir Mitchell and Horace Howard Furness.
Wawa, or Wallingford which has persisted to the present day.
S. Weir Mitchell, who had returned to Newport each year since
The Summer Resort: an Inter-city Upper-Class Neighborhood.
he first visited relatives there at the age of twelve in 1844, came
For many generations, the American upper classes have gathered
to Bar Harbor for the first time in 1891 in order to avoid the new-
during the summer months at various fashionable summer resorts.
rich
then taking over Newport. For many years Mitchell was the
Newport and Saratoga Springs were popular as early as the eight-
recognized leader of the walking and talking set which was the
eenth century: "Over a hundred Philadelphians, for instance, voy-
backbone of Bar Harbor society in the days before the cocktail
aged to Newport for summer sojourns between 1767 and 1775,
turned conversation into chatter and the automobile abolished
there to mingle not only with native New Englanders but also with
walking. In those days George Wharton Pepper was one of the
wealthy South Carolinians, Georgians, and West Indians who were
leaders of the vigorous life on the island. In September, 1900, he
likewise investing the profits from commercial enterprise in a few
was the first "to walk in one day from Bar Harbor to Northeast over
months of expensive recreation in the refreshing northern climate.
nine intervening mountains.
From the beginning, these fashionable resorts have been inter-
The early city visitors to the island stayed at farmhouses; later,
city upper-class neighborhoods. As recently as 1930, Newport was
boarding houses were opened; and, finally, hotels and cottages
the birthplace of James W. Gerard's famous list of the "Sixty-Four
were built. The most famous early hotel in Bar Harbor, "Rodick's,"
Men Who Run America." Of these sixty-four men, according to
was built in 1882. Between 1890 and World War I, Bar Harbor
Cleveland Amory, "no less than fifty were recognized men-about-
became one of America's most stylish resorts. By 1894, the year
resorts."94 J. P. Morgan, a well-known man-about-resorts, once
Joseph Pulitzer built the resort's first hundred-thousand-dollar
described the beauty of escaping from the world of affairs to a
"cottage," Morgan and Standard Oil partners were the bastions of
homogeneous summer neighborhood such as Bar Harbor: "You can
Bar Harbor's wealthy community. After the turn of the century,
do business with anyone," he said, "but you can only sail a boat
Philadelphia's A. J. Cassatt and E. T. Stotesbury were energetic
with a gentleman."80
leaders of summer society; they were followed by the Dorrances
Mount Desert, a beautiful island "down east" on the coast of
and Atwater Kents after the first war.
Maine, has been the most popular Proper Philadelphia summer
The Proper Philadelphia tradition is symbolized at Bar Harbor
resort for over half a century. On the island formal and fashionable
by the Pot and Kettle Club which was founded in 1899 by six
Bar Harbor, and more informal and wholesome Northeast Harbor,
members of Philadelphia's Rabbit Club.98 The membership is
are summer versions of Boston and Philadelphia. Mount Desert is a
limited to fifty men, who, at one time, were said to control 85 per
national upper-class summer resort where the winter residents of
cent of the nation's wealth. Although this is certainly an exaggera-
Chestnut Hill (in Boston or Philadelphia), meet their more opulent
tion, there were often as many as thirty-five yachts anchored off
friends from Park Avenue, Lake Forest, or Grosse Point. Several
the club's float during a regular dinner meeting. Like the Rabbit
generations of Pulitzers, Fords, Rockefellers, Palmers, and Mc-
and the Fish House in Philadelphia, the Pot and Kettle is a gentle-
Cormicks have grown up on this fashionable island.
men's eating club where numerous toasts, including one to the
The earliest summer visitors to Mount Desert were artists. They
President of the United States, are an important part of every
were soon followed by intellectuals and clergymen who enjoyed
formal occasion. One summer tradition was slightly altered. Dur-
( 222)
Neighborhood and the Class Structure
CHAPTER X
ing the height of the New Deal, in spite of the fact that Franklin
D. Roosevelt was one of five Presidents ever to have been enter-
tained at the club, the traditional toast to the President of the
Religion and the Class Structure
United States was replaced by a toast to the Constitution of the
United States.
One of the very few Proper Philadelphia women listed in Who's
Who in 1940, Mrs. J. Madison Taylor, a distinguished miniature
Hardly a generation ago when business men were
painter, was a leader in Bar Harbor's intellectual, artistic, and fash-
establishing themselves and making new social con-
tacts, they encountered the question: "To what
ionable worlds for many years. When she died in 1952, Mrs. Taylor
church do you belong?'
Evidently it was never
was preparing for her seventy-fifth consecutive summer on the
asked accidentally.
MAX WEBER
island.
The fashionable (Episcopalian) churches have always played
an important part in the Island's social life. During the summer,
when life during the week is less hectic, many Easter-Christmas-
funeral-wedding families attend church every Sunday. While morn-
COMMENTING on the mores of the carriage trade, Ralph Waldo
ing prayer is usually held in the church, evensong is often held on
Emerson once remarked that "no dissenter rides in his coach for
the lawn of some estate overlooking the sea. The headmasters of
three generations; he invariably falls onto the Establishment." This
Groton and St. Paul's-Endicott Peabody and S. S. Drury-were
chapter will attempt to show how the members of the American
summer residents of Northeast Harbor for many years. Each sum-
metropolitan upper class, deeply rooted though their ancestors
mer on a Sunday in August, Dr. Drury held communion service for
were in the Calvinism of New England or the Quaker faith of Phila-
boys and alumni of his school.
delphia, gradually returned to the Anglican communion of the
The fashionable summer neighborhood fosters the development
Protestant Episcopal Church. Before discussing this Episcopalian
of upper-class solidarity on a national scale in America, and sum-
upper class, especially Philadelphia's Quaker-turned-Episcopal
mer romances on the enchanting island of Mount Desert have not
gentry, a word should be said about religion and the class struc-
infrequently resulted in inter-city family alliances. Among other
ture as a whole in America.
such alliances, the grandson of Joseph Pulitzer (St. Louis) is now
Religion and the American Class Structure. "However much
married to a granddaughter of Samuel M. Vauclain, a former presi-
details may differ," writes Liston Pope of the Yale Divinity School,
dent of the Baldwin Locomotive Works who built one of the Main
"stratification is found in all American communities, and religion
Line's show places; the wife of Nelson Rockefeller (New York)
is always one of its salient features."1 The middle classes in America
is the granddaughter of George Roberts of the Pennsylvania Rail-
have been traditionally Protestant, while labor, especially the un-
road; and the former Louise De Koven Bowen, descendant of an
skilled, has tended to be Catholic. Historical circumstance, rather
old Bar Harborite from Chicago who lent her social prestige to the
than the "Protestant ethic" alone, has been the most important
service of Jane Addams' Hull House, now lives in Chestnut Hill
factor in the American situation. On the whole, throughout our
as the wife of young John Wanamaker, vice-president of his great-
history, the earliest arrivals have constantly been thrust upward
grandfather's department store.
in the social and economic structure as each new wave of immi-
Romance has brought great loyalty to this romantic island. In
grants has taken its place at the bottom of the occupational hier-
1889, for example, George Wharton Pepper, who spent that sum-
archy. Colonial stock in this country was primarily Protestant; even
mer with his fiancée and father-in-law-to-be, saw Mount Desert
as late as the first census in 1790, for example, Catholics made up
for the first time. "Thereafter," he writes in his autobiography,
less than 1 per cent of the population. But the Irish who came in
"there have been only three summers in fifty-four years when we
the eighteen-forties and fifties, and the millions of immigrants from
have failed to visit our beloved Mt. Desert. "99
southern and eastern Europe who flooded these shores at the turn
223)
( 410)
Notes to Pages 201 to 222
Notes to Pages 223 to 232
(411)
52. Edward W. Hocker, op. cit.,
79. Pitirim Sorokin, Social Mobility,
cellent description of the founding of
p. 274.
(New York: Harper & Brothers,
the Episcopal Church.
53. George H. Burgess and Miles
1927).
13. Frank Cousins and Phil M.
C. Kennedy, op. cit., p. 645.
80. See "Executive Trappings,"
Chapter X
Riley, The Colonial Architecture of
54. See Who's Who biography.
Time, Jan. 24, 1955.
Philadelphia, (Boston: Little, Brown
55. J. W. Townsend, The Old
81.
See
Robert
Strausz-Hupe,
RELIGION AND
and Company, 1920), p. 221.
"Main Line,' (Philadelphia : Privately
Power and Community, (New York:
THE CLASS STRUCTURE
14. Ellis Paxson Oberholtzer, Jay
Printed, 1922), p. 21.
Frederick A. Praeger, 1956). This
Cooke, Financier of the Civil War,
56. Ibid., p. 28.
excellent collection of essays points
(Philadelphia: George W. Jacobs and
57. Ibid., pp. 51-52.
out the dangers of a society of rank
1. Liston Pope, "Religion and the
Company, 1907), Vol. II, pp. 483-
58. Ibid., pp. 60-61.
and the consequent weakening of "the
Class Structure,' The Annals of the
485.
59. Ibid., p. 83.
private sectors of society."
American Academy of Political and
15. Matthew Josephson, op. cit., p.
60. Ibid., p. 84.
82. Compare Boyd's Blue Book,
Social Science, Vol. 256, (March
319.
61. Ibid., pp. 83-84.
Elite Directory with Philadelphia Club
1948), p. 89. See also the classic work
16. James Thayer Addison, op cit.,
62. George H. Burgess and Miles
List (1914)
on this subject, H. Richard Niebuhr,
p. 205.
C. Kennedy, op. cit., Appendix E.
83. See obituary of Dr. David Ries-
The Social Sources of Denomination-
17. Frank D. Ashburn, Peabody of
63. W. Townsend, op. cit., p. 86.
man, Sr., Philadelphia Evening Bulle-
alism, (New York: Henry Holt and
Groton, (New York: Coward Mc-
64. John Gunther, Inside U.S.A.,
tin, June 4, 1940.
Co., Inc., 1929).
Cann, Inc., 1944), p. 30.
(New York: Harper & Brothers,
84. See 1940 Social Register.
2. Matthew Josephson, The Robber
18. Cleveland Amory, The Proper
1947), p. 604.
85. Rufus M. Jones, Haverford Col-
Barons: The Great American Capital-
Bostonians, (New York: E. P. Dutton
65. John J. Macfarlane, History of
lege, A History and an Interpretation,
ists, 1861-1901, (New York: Har-
and Company, Inc., 1947), p. 107.
Early Chestnut Hill, (Philadelphia:
(New York: The Macmillan Com-
ccurt, Brace and Company, 1934),
19. Boston Daily Herald, May 15,
pp. 320-321.
1836. Taken from a student's disser-
City History Society, 1927), p. 68.
pany, 1933), p. 1.
66. Cleveland Amory, The Proper
86. Logan Pearsall Smith, Unfor-
3. George Eaton Simpson and J.
tation-in-progress.
Bostonians, (New York: E. P. Dutton
gotten Years, (Boston: Little, Brown
Milton Yinger, Racial and Cultural
20. Andrew Landale Drummond,
& Co., Inc., 1947), p. 196.
and Company, 1949), p. 31.
Minorities: An Analysis of Prejudice
Story of American Protestantism,
67. Horace Mather Lippincott, A
87. John W. Jordan, A History of
and Discrimination, (New York:
(Boston: The Beacon Press, 1951),
Narrative of Chestnut Hill, Philadel-
Delaware County Pennsylvania and
Harper and Brothers, 1953), p. 515.
p. 187.
phia with some account of Springfield,
its People, (New York: Lewis His-
4. Liston Pope, Millhands and
21. Van Wyck Brooks, New Eng-
Whitemarsh, and Cheltenham Town-
torical Publishing Company, 1914),
Preachers, (New Haven: Yale Uni-
land: Indian Summer, 1865-1915,
(New York: E. P. Dutton and Com-
ships in Montgomery County, Penn-
Volume II, pp. 460-461.
versity Press, 1942), p. 124.
sylvania, (Jenkintown, Pennsylvania,
88. Ibid.
5. Max Weber, The Protestant
pany, Inc., 1940), pp. 184-203.
Old York Road Publishing Company,
89. Scharf and Westcott, op. cit.,
Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism,
22. Cleveland Amory, op. cit., p.
1948), p. 18.
translated by Talcott Parsons, (Lon-
105.
Vol. III, pp. 2321-2322.
68. Ibid., p. 78.
90. Ibid., Vol. II, p. 1406.
don: Allen and Unwin, 1930), p. 1.
23. Charles J. Cohen, Rittenhouse
91. Joshua L. Chamberlain, Uni-
6. Congregationalist, June 21, 1876,
Square,
(Philadelphia :
Privately
69. Ibid., p. 86.
70. Ibid., p. 87.
versity of Pennsylvania, Its History,
p. 196. Quoted in Henry F. May,
Printed, 1922).
71. Ibid., pp. 115-116.
Influence, Equipment, and Character-
Protestant Churches and Industrial
24. Alexander V. G. Allen, Life and
72. Frank Willing Leach, "Old
istics, with Biographical Sketches,
America, (New York: Harper and
Letters of Phillips Brooks, (New York:
Philadelphia Families XLIV," The
(Boston: R. Herndon Company,
Brothers, 1949), p. 51.
E. Dutton and Company, 1901).
25. Dixon Wecter, op. cit., p. 478.
North American, Philadelphia, June
1901), p. 384. Also see Horace How-
7. Clarence Day, God and My
26. Robert K. Bosch, Ecclesiastical
16, 1907.
ard Furness, "DAB" biography.
Father, from The Best of Clarence
Background of the American Episco-
73. Horace Mather Lippincott, op.
92. See Philadelphia Architecture
Day, (New York: Alfred A. Knopf,
pate, (Unpublished manuscript in the
cit., p. 133.
in the Nineteenth Century for exam-
1948), p. 5.
author's possession).
74. Josiah Granville Leach, Genea-
ples of Frank Furness's work.
8. George Wharton Pepper, Phila-
27. See Vida Dutton Scudder,
logical and Biographical Memorials of
93. Carl and Jessica Bridenbaugh,
delphia Lawyer, (Philadelphia: J. B.
Father Huntington, Founder of the
the Reading, Howell, Yerkes, Watts,
op. cit., p. 7.
Lippincott Company, 1944), p. 98.
Order of the Holy Cross, New York:
Latham, and Elkins Families, (Phila-
94. Cleveland Amory, The Last Re-
9. Dixon Wecter, The Saga of
E. P. Dutton and Company, Inc.,
delphia: J. B. Lippincott Company,
sorts, (New York: Harper & Brothers,
American Society, (New York:
1940).
1898), p. 257.
1952), p. 8.
Charles Scribner's Sons, 1937), p. 478.
28. Ibid., p. 35.
75. Ellis Paxson Oberholtzer, Jay
95. Ibid., p. 4.
10. Carl Bridenbaugh, Cities in Re-
29. See George Hodges, Henry
Cooke, Financier of the Civil War,
96. Ernest Earnest, S. Weir Mitch-
volt, (New York: Alfred A. Knopf,
Codman Potter, Seventh Bishop of
(Philadelphia: George W. Jacobs &
ell, (Philadelphia: University of Penn-
1955), p. 152.
New York, (New York: The Macmil-
Co., 1907), Vol. II, p. 33.
sylvania Press, 1950), p. 15.
11. See W. J. Cash, The Mind of
lan Company, 1915).
76. P. A. B. Widener, Without
97 George Wharton Pepper, op.
the South, (New York: Doubleday
30. Dixon Wecter, op. cit., p. 479.
Drums, (New York: G. P. Putnam's
cit., p. 318.
Anchor Books, 1954).
31. Gustavus Myers, History of the
Sons, 1940), Chapter III.
98. Cleveland Amory, op. cit., p.
12. See James Thayer Addison, The
Great American Fortunes, (New York:
77. Ibid.. pp. 52-53.
308.
Episcopal Church in the United States,
The Modern Library, 1937), p. 378.
78. Philadelphia Evening Bulletin,
99. George Wharton Pepper, op.
1789-1931, (New York: Charles Scrib-
32. Dixon Wector, op. cit., p. 480.
October 26, 1943.
cit., p. 318.
ner's Sons, 1951), pp. 65-73. An ex-
33. See Frederick Lewis Allen, The
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Pepper, George W. (1867-1961)
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Series 2