THE ROBERT ABBE MUSEUM Bar Harbor, Maine 1989 BULLETIN XII An Island in Time Three Thousand Years of Cultural Exchange on Mount Desert Island Jesup Memerial Library 34 Mt. Decent at Bar Harber, ME 04809 Cover Design by Cathy Brann Photography and Graphics by Stephen Bicknell Copyright © 1989 by The Robert Abbe Museum. All rights to reproduce this book, or portions thereof, reserved. 375 THE ROBERT ABBE MUSEUM Bar Harbor, Maine 1989 BULLETIN XII An Island in Time Three Thousand Years of Cultural Exchange on Mount Desert Island Essays by David Sanger and Harald E. L. Prins Edited by Ann McMullen and Diane Kopec Introduction "An Island in Time: Three Thousand Years of Cultural Exchange on Mount Desert Island" is both an exhibition and a publication. The exhibition, made possible by a major grant from the Maine Humanities Council and awards from the Elizabeth B. Noyce Fund of the Maine Community Foundation and the Atwater Kent Foundation, opens at the Abbe Museum, Bar Harbor, in May of 1989 and at the Hudson Museum, University of Maine, Orono, in December of 1989. The exhibition explores Native American cultural continuity and change on the central Maine coast, focusing on Mount Desert Island. Using Indian artifacts, a wigwam representation, artifacts from Jesuit missions, maps and illustrations, and insights from the disciplines of archaeology, anthropology, history, and ethnohistory, the exhibition investigates the interactions, perceptions, and exchanges between Native American and European cultures, especially the French and English. This publication accompanies the exhibition, but is also meant to provide the public with a prehistoric and historic account of the Native Americans of Mount Desert Island, from 3,000 years ago through the time of exploration and settlement by Europeans. It complements the exhibition by expanding upon its theme and fills a gap in the literature on the Indians of Mount Desert Island and the Contact period. The first essay, by Dr. David Sanger, focuses on Mount Desert Island's prehistoric populations, in particular, those living at the Fernald Point site. In "Insights into Native American Life at Fernald Point," Dr. Sanger sets the stage by providing an overview of the environment and food resources available to the Indians at Fernald Point. He presents a picture of pre-European life on Mount Desert Island, describing the tools, their uses and native methods of procuring food, as well as examining the question of site seasonality. Dr. Sanger ends this wonderful picture of early life on Mount Desert Island with a word of caution about sites at risk due to continuing coastal erosion. Dr. David Sanger, Professor of Anthropology and Quaternary Studies at the University of Maine. Orono, has conducted prehistoric archaeological research in British Columbia, the northwestern United States, the Canadian Maritimes and the northeastern United States. His research has focused on paleo-environmental archaeology and prehistoric adaptations to maritime environments. An area of special interest to Dr. Sanger is the central Maine coast, which includes 1 Mount Desert Island. Dr. Sanger excavated the Fernald Point site for the National Park Service in 1975 and 1976, thus providing us with an intimate look at early life on Mount Desert Island. Dr. Harald Prins' essay, "Natives and Newcomers: Mount Desert Island in the Age of Exploration," begins with the arrival of the first Europeans in Maine. He looks at the early European explorations, trade, and settlement, including the establishment of Saint Sauveur mission, the first Jesuit mission in North America. Dr. Prins also explains some of the complexities of determining which Indian tribes lived on Mount Desert Island, a question frequently asked by Museum visitors. His essay looks at the time of exploration from the European as well as the Native American perspective, a balance not frequently expressed in the literature. Dr. Harald Prins, currently Assistant Professor of Anthropology at Colby College in Waterville, Maine, has conducted ethnographic, historical, and archaeological research in Argentina, The Netherlands, Israel, and North America. His current research is on the history of the Wabanaki culture area Indian-European relations, and Native rights issues in the U.S.A. and Canada. He works closely with the Aroostook Band of Micmac Indians and various other American Indian groups as a consulting anthropologist and, in 1985, produced "Our Lives in Our Hands," a documentary film on Micmac basketmakers in northern Maine. His expertise in Indian-European relations is well suited to increasing our understanding of the Contact period on Mount Desert Island. I would like to take this opportunity to acknowledge and thank the many institutions and individuals whose participation made this project a success. The Hudson Museum, University of Maine, Orono, cosponsored the exhibition. Lenders to the exhibition include Acadia National Park, Fort Western Museum, the Maine Historical Society, the Maine State Museum, the Southwest Harbor Library, and the Anthropology Department of the University of Maine, Orono. Without their cooperation, the exhibition would not have been possible. Dr. David Sanger, Dr. Harald Prins, and Ruth Whitehead, Curator of the Nova Scotia Museum, were project scholars. Ann McMullen, Anthropology Department of Brown University, curated the exhibition and Cathy Brann, Hudson Museum Graphic Artist, produced graphics and designed the exhibition. Steven Bicknell, Archaeology Laboratory Technician at the University of Maine, Orono, led the construction of the wigwam, produced graphics and maps, and photographed artifacts for the exhibition and publication. 2 I would also like to thank Dr. Richard Emerick, Joan Klussmann, and Gretchen Faulkner, Hudson Museum; Jack Hauptman, Deborah Wade, Meg Fernald and Ed King, Acadia National Park, National Park Service, Bar Harbor; Paul Rivard, Dr. Bruce Bourque, Madeleine Fang, Allyson Humphrey, and Robert Lewis, Maine State Museum, Augusta; Elizabeth Miller, Maine Historical Society, Portland; Richard D'Abate and Dorothy Schwartz, Maine Humanities Council, Portland; Jeffrey Zimmerman and Jay Adams, Fort Western Museum, Augusta; Theodore Mitchell, Office of Indian Programs and Minority Services, University of Maine, Orono; Robert Chute, Bates College, Lewiston; Judith Cooper, Center for the Study of the First Americans, University of Maine, Orono; Pauleena Seeber, Glenburn; Charles Paquin, Archaeology Research Center at the University of Maine, Farmington; Jeffrey Kalin, Primitive Technologies, Inc., Bethlehem, Connecticut; Mark Mowatt, World Fur Corporation, Brewer; Russ Hewitt, Pride Manufacturing Company, Guilford; William Belcher, Quaternary Department, University of Maine, Orono; Suzanne Nash, Hulls Cove; Carole Beal, Bar Harbor; Betts Swanton, Bar Harbor; George Vose, Jackson Laboratory, Bar Harbor; Maine State Library, Augusta; Lee Cranmer, Maine Historic Preservation Commission, Augusta; Dr. Susan Kaplan, Peary-MacMillan Arctic Museum, Bowdoin College, Brunswick; Susan Danforth and the John Carter Brown Library, Brown University, Providence, Rhode Island; The Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa; Thomas Gilcrease Institute of American History and Art, Tulsa, Oklahoma; and the Kendall Whaling Museum, Sharon, Massachusetts. The long list of participants is proof of the truly inter- organizational nature of the exhibition project. Thanks to all of the individuals and organizations who helped bring "An Island in Time" to the public. Diane Kopec, Director Abbe Museum 3 Insights Into Native American Life at Fernald Point David Sanger "And on your left you see archaeologists " blared the loudspeaker from the cruise boat carrying another group of summer visitors up beautiful Somes Sound (see Figure1). It was July 1977, and a crew of six archaeologists from the University of Maine diligently excavated an important American Indian campsite-the Fernald Point site. By now the crew was almost oblivious to the boat traffic that monitored their activities. The Fernald Point story began thousands of years before, when Native Americans first selected this strategic point for a camping place. It had everything they needed-a gentle beach for landing canoes, with a soft bottom that would not damage the birchbark skin, and vast quantities of soft-shell clams. No one would go hungry as long as the clams held out. Coming in over the mudflat with every tide there would be sculpin and flounder, which a simple brush weir could entrap as the tide fell. The beach faced south SO that even on the coldest winter day sun would shine right into camp, while behind was a forested hill that protected the village from bitter north winds. Fish and seals passed by the front door on their way up and down Somes Sound. Yes, this was an ideal spot, perhaps a little exposed to swells, but not too bad at all. And just look at the beautiful surroundings: trees coming right down to the water's edge everywhere, and hills rising up behind. Some things have stayed the same, but others have changed since people first lived at Fernald Point about 1000 B.C. Should one of the original Fernald Point inhabitants revisit the area, he or she would notice some remarkable differences. Most notably, one suspects, would be changes in landscape and land-use patterns. To make the nineteenth-century farm fields, trees were cut down, and later summer cottages began to dot the shoreline. Other changes have occurred. The form of the beach gradually changed in response to a rise in sea level of over six feet since 1000 B.C. As the high water mark came up, erosion cut into the beach and washed away the soft, muddy sediments of the mudflat, leaving pebbles and stones that could resist better the ebb and flow of the tide. Through time, then, the constantly rising sea level altered many of those characteristics that had made the site attractive to the Indians in the first place. Ironically, the gently sloping beach, that initially proved ideal for small boat launching and landing, as well as an excellent clam 5 N Frenchman Mount Bay Desert bood Bar Harbor Island Fernald Point Southwest Northeast Harbor Harbor 0 kin O 5 Figure 1 - Mount Desert Island and the Fernald Point site. 6 habitat, proved to be the cause of the site's abandonment shortly before the arrival of the strangers from Europe. In the early 1970s, the deteriorating situation at Fernald Point and at other archaeological sites in Acadia National Park was brought to the attention of park officials; because of Native Americans' tendency to locate sites on soft terrain where mudflats are found, natural destruction of sites was commonplace. And, though every National Park wants to protect its historical and archaeological resources, the Park Superintendent lacked the funds to even begin to determine the extent of the problem-an archaeological site survey to assess the resource and its condition. After a period of frustration, a short note to Washington brought about instant results: a small contract between the Park Service and the University of Maine to conduct a systematic survey of the shorelines in Acadia National Park. The report of this initial survey noted a number of sites, discussed their condition, and made recommendations. One site emerged as extremely important-the Fernald Point site. Not only was erosion taking a toll, but the exposed bank had encouraged people to dig into the site to recover artifacts for private collections, an activity which was, of course, illegal. In keeping with its significance, the site was placed on the National Register of Historic Places. Having identified the problem, money was again a difficulty. Some funds dedicated for "ruins stabilization" work materialized, and a plan was drawn up to conduct a limited excavation, especially in the area most affected by the sea erosion and public looting. To further protect the site, boulders would be placed along the front of the site to help inhibit erosion. Based on some 1976 testing, research assistant Barbara Johnson and David Sanger made plans for the 1977 season. Johnson would take a crew of seven experienced excavators to Fernald Point for six weeks; the crew would test the eroding front of the site, as well as parts of the site further back in the field. Large scale excavations, however desirable, were out of the question; there simply were not enough funds to do a thorough job. As the site map shows (see Figure 2), we concentrated our activities largely along the eroding front of the site. Excavation proceded by hand-held trowels and all site deposits were screened through 1/4-inch mesh (see Figure 3). In this way, very small bones and artifacts the excavator might miss could be recovered. 7 Fernald Point Site 20 Housepit Beach III 1976 Excavation Unit 1977 Excavation Unit cm O 5 C.I. 0.25m Figure 2 - Site map showing 1976 and 1977 excavations. Figure 3 - Overview of the Fernald Point site during 1977 excavation. 8 Excavation destroys a site, no matter how carefully the work is done. Because of this, it is imperative that maximum attention be paid to documentation through field notes, drawings, and photographs. We cannot, of course, record everything; some compromises must occur if we are to excavate enough of the site to make any statements about the people who lived there. Then, too, continued site erosion creates a sense of urgency. The Fernald Point site was a large shell midden. The term "midden" comes from a Scandinavian word that refers to kitchen wastes. Shell midden, then, refers to the leavings of people who lived at a site and deposited their kitchen trash, shells, bones, broken implements, and the like. For the archaeologist this is a gold mine of information. In the absence of written records, this is all we have to reconstruct past lifeways. There is an added bonus to excavating shell middens as opposed to sites in the wooded interior of Maine. Maine soils are normally acidic. In such environments bones rapidly decay, with the result that most interior sites rarely have much preserved evidence for the animals people ate. Shell middens, by contrast, result in excellent preservation because the shells, being composed largely of calcium carbonate, neutralize the normal soil acidity, resulting in better preservation of bone and other organic materials. From our excavations at Fernald Point, and with information from other sites in the region, we can begin to present a picture of pre- European life on Mount Desert Island. Often the questions most commonly asked of an archaeologist are the most difficult to answer: "What tribe lived here?" During historic times, the period after about A.D. 1600 for which we have the written records of Champlain and other explorers, the Mount Desert Island area was inhabited by people whose descendants now focus on Indian Island, home of the Penobscot Nation. But when we get back into prehistory, before written records, we depend on oral traditions supplemented by archaeology. It is quite possible that ancestors of the modern Penobscot lived at places like Fernald Point for millennia before the arrival of the Europeans. A second question, as perplexing as the first, is "How many people lived at this site?" Once again we have to equivocate. In the first place we don't know the full size of the site. While we can get an idea of how large it is today, who can say how much has eroded away through time? And, to further complicate matters, just because a campground can accommodate fifty tents does not mean that fifty tents were always 9 pitched. My guess would be that the size of the population varied through time, and even in any one year people might come and go. Somewhere between twenty-five and fifty residents at one time would be a reasonable guess. A third important question is, "When did they live here?" Since the late 1950s, archaeologists have made excellent use of the radiocarbon dating technique, which measures the amount of carbon- 14, a radioactive isotope of carbon that is a constant value in all living plant matter, but decays after the plant dies. By measuring the amount of carbon-14 in a sample of wood or charcoal from a site, an estimate of the death date of the tree is made. At Fernald Point we obtained dates ranging from a little over 2,000 to about 700 years ago. However, based on the similarities between some tools found at Fernald and at other nearby sites, we place the date of the first occupation at around 1000 B.C. From A.D. 1 until about A.D. 1300 the site was utilized quite heavily. The inhabitants of Fernald Point were what archaeologists call "hunters and gatherers," meaning that they did not practice agriculture as far as we know. In Champlain's time, agriculture had spread up the coast to the mouth of the Saco River, and perhaps even to the Kennebec River, although the evidence is not clear. Even in southern New England, the growing of corn (maize), beans, and squash was a relatively recent development, not much older than A.D. 1000, according to recent archaeological evidence. Buried in the various shell layers at Fernald Point are bones of sea and land mammals, birds, and fish. Not represented, perhaps due to preservation factors, were the results of gathering wild vegetable foods, like berries, roots, and nuts. Simply because evidence of these foods is not present does not mean that they were not consumed. We assume that they were part of the diet of the Fernald Point people. An examination of the bones and shells from Fernald Point indicates a diet that balanced land and sea species (see Figure 4). Shellfish remains are mostly of the soft-shell clam, found everywhere on the central and northern Maine coast. Blue mussels were taken from their perch on rocks and ledges, and would have constituted a readily available and predictable resource available at any time of year. As in some other societies, shellfish gathering may have been a task taken on by women and children while the men were hunting. The clams were probably opened by steaming them on the rock hearths we found at the site; there are few signs of damage to shells resulting from deliberate breakage. While most shellfish were probably eaten almost 10 Mammals Birds Fish White-tail deer Great auk Winter flounder Moose Greater scaup Longhorn sculpin Harbor seal Common eider Atlantic cod Black bear White-winged Wolffish Sea mink scoter Striped bass Gray seal Black duck Dogfish Beaver Canada goose Haddock Muskrat Common merganser Tomcod Hare Double-crested Ocean Pout Porcupine merganser Sea Raven Raccoon Great blue heron Alewife Gray fox Grebe Sturgeon River otter Old squaw Soft-shell clams Porpoise Owl Blue mussels Dog Hawk Sea urchins Eastern cottontail Bald eagle Whelks Note: these animals are not listed in order of importance. Figure 4 - List of animal remains found at the Fernald Point site. immediately, some may have been dried for future use, although there is no evidence for that practice in the archaeological record. Other harvests from the sea included fish of several species. Altogether, the excavation team recovered over 14,000 fish bones, mostly sculpin and flounder which feed on the mudflats at high tide. The retrieval of fish from brush weirs set into the mudflat at the front of the site might also have been the task of women as they dug clams. Cod, a deeper-water fish sometimes found in Maine coastal sites, were infrequent at Fernald Point. Sea urchins and other delicacies were also taken by the local inhabitants. Strangely, they seem to have avoided lobsters; we have found only one claw in twenty years of excavation in coastal Maine sites. The sea also provided seals and a few porpoises. Whaling was not practiced. Birds, while not common, are mostly sea-oriented species, such as eiders and great auk. From the land, the hunters brought home white-tail deer, bear, and an occasional moose. Beaver remains were quite common at the Fernald Point site, although muskrat were rare, probably due to the lack of a suitable local habitat. The remains of sea mink, an extinct species about the size of a small cat, were also present at Fernald Point. 11 Very few of the bones from the site exhibit any evidence of burning, which suggests that food was most likely boiled in clay pots or cooked by steam generated in the numerous stone hearths, much like a traditional Down East clambake. The bones themselves were split and cooked for their marrow content, which would have been an important component of the diet, especially in cold weather. The artifacts found at the Fernald Point site provide some clues as to how these various food sources were procured. There are a number of arrow or spear heads chipped from stone available along the beaches of the area, or from local outcrops of volcanic rock (see Figure 5). The forms and sizes of these tools changed through time, from larger to smaller, including different bases, which provided a means to lash the arrowhead to a shaft. These changes were not random; at certain times in the past people made their arrowheads within a particular range of variation. Understanding how tool types changed through time helps us to estimate the age of a particular deposit. We do not think the forms of tools necessarily changed because of increased technological efficiency, any more than clothing styles change today as a measure of efficiency. Another artifact type made of chipped stone is a tool that probably functioned as a knife (see Figure 5). Archaeologists often call these tools bifaces because they are worked on both faces or sides. Some artifacts put in this category may actually represent lost or damaged items that were intended to have been arrowheads. Scrapers are common at Fernald Point (see Figure 6). We think these tools functioned to scrape away fat from the inside of hides, although they could have been used for other tasks as well. Scrapers are usually made by removing flakes from only one side of a larger stone flake. While many of the rocks could be gathered locally, some rocks probably came from across the Gulf of Maine in Nova Scotia. Woodworking would have been an important component of camp activities at Fernald Point. While the wood has long since deteriorated, we did find stone axe and adze blades, as well as the lower incisors of beaver, used to carve wood, much like a modern crooked knife. Metal was rarely used prehistorically. At Fernald Point, the only examples are a few awls made of naturally-occurring copper which was cold-hammered and folded to shape rather than smelted (see Figure 7). Animal bone constituted a useful raw material for tools (see Figure 8). Shaped and polished long bones could be used for awls, needles, harpoons, and spears. Small bone points might have formed barbs on wooden hooks for line fishing. 12 IMA .... cm in Figure 5 - Spear heads and knives. Figure 6 - Scrapers. cm in 13 cm in Figure 7 - Copper awls. Figure 8 - Various tools made from bone: awl, barbed and unbarbed points, and beaver incisors (left to right). cm in 14 Containers for food, water, and possessions are always needed around the home and camp site. Starting around 500 B.C. the Indians of Maine began making clay pots, after the fashion of peoples to the south and west. While there were no complete pots found at the Fernald Point site, there are numerous fragments, or sherds, that span the range from the earliest vessels used in Maine through later prehistoric types. The vessels were made of locally available clay (actually a silt laid down by higher sea levels 12,000 years ago), mixed with gravel and coarse sand, called temper, which later gave way to crushed shell temper after about A.D. 1000. The conical pots were usually built up by coils, smoothed, decorated, and then fired in an open fire hearth. The resulting vessels were unglazed and porous until coated on the inside with accumulated fat from cooking (see Figure 9). The majority of pots were decorated before firing. Initially, designs were made with a small carved wooden or bone stamp that left tooth-like impressions on the vessel; these are known as "dentate stamped" pots. Sometime around A.D. 1000 a new technique became common in the Northeast and vessels were decorated by a stamp made of a cord or string wrapped around a stick or paddle. Archaeologists call these "cord-wrapped stick" ceramics. Like the arrowheads, styles in decoration changed through time. However, the plastic nature of clay lends itself to manipulations that leave much better traces of style. Archaeologists in Maine can now gauge the age of a vessel to within a two- or three-hundred-year period. In other parts of the world it is possible to estimate the age of a site much more accurately, within decades, with the aid of pottery. While we refer to the markings on pottery as "decoration," this might not have been in the mind of the maker. He, or more likely she, may have labelled the pot with the insignia, or crest, of her family, clan, or tribe. Our excavations at Fernald Point located one definite house and possibly another. The nearly intact house had been partially destroyed by erosion. Although we did not excavate all of the remaining portions of the house due to time restrictions, we were able to recover some information on its size and shape. In all respects it resembled many other houses our crews have excavated on the Maine coast. The typical house was oval, about eight to twelve feet long by eight to ten feet wide, for a floor area of less than one hundred square feet. The shape was always oval. Depending on the period, the house might rest on the surface or it may have been dug into the soil or into an older midden deposit, SO that up to two feet could be below ground level. A number of poles, resting on the outside of the house depression, provided the 15 Figure 9 - Reconstruction of clay pot. Design by David Putnam. From Maine Archaeological Society Bulletin, Spring 1986, Volume 26, Number 1. 16 supports for a conical covering, probably of birchbark. Sometimes rocks were used to help support the poles. Inside there was a hearth, usually situated towards one end of the house near the entrance. In excavations we frequently recognize housepits by layers of midden that are relatively shell-free. These shell-free strata appear to be the result of sand and gravel brought up from the beach and strewn over the floor to form a clean, smooth surface (see Figure 10). With time these floors got dirty from household activities and another layer of clean sand was brought in. Eventually, the house depression was filled up. Whether each floor represents one season or less is not clear. At Fernald Point the house seems to have been utilized around A.D. 800 and again at A.D. 1200, based on radiocarbon dates and the kinds of pottery found. The evidence suggests that the later group, seeing a ready-made cellar, moved right in. 495 50E 49S52E 49S54E Column 5 VI Central Hearth VII VII cm Rock Sod Loam Shell IV Gravel V Charcoal Stained Gravel House Floor VI Ash VII Subsoil Figure 10 - Stratigraphy of housepit 1 showing charcoal stained gravel floor. Another clue to the presence of a house floor is an increase in the number of artifacts and rejected raw materials, indicative of manufacturing taking place in the house. Summer houses may have many fewer artifacts inside, as the better weather would encourage outdoor work. In the Fernald Point house we found a number of specimens in the house deposits. Houses tended to be built toward the back of a site, away from the beach, while the midden or dumping area developed by the beach. Because we were concerned with the erosion problem and the front of the site, we did not uncover additional houses. Information from other similar sites suggests that settlements of this period contained a number of houses rather than just one. 17 In prehistoric times, people living on the coast of Maine had to have water transportation. Unfortunately, physical evidence for boats is extremely rare in the archaeological record. Historically, the birchbark canoe was ubiquitous in Maine. This lightweight, yet highly seaworthy craft, was capable of making substantial journeys. Ocean- going canoes, up to 25 feet in length, were in common usage during historic times. Because we find sites that are up to 5,000 years old on the outermost islands, we know canoe travel has had a long history in the Maine area. One of the prominent questions in Maine prehistory has been the matter of seasonality: what time of the year did Indians spend in their coastal settlements? It has been said that the Indians spent their summers on the coast and retired during the winter to traditional hunting and trapping grounds in the interior. However, such a pattern seems to have been prevalent only after the arrival of Europeans. Archaeological evidence indicates possible year-round settlement in coastal environments, but not necessarily at one site. This evidence comes from two related sources. One source is provided by the presence or absence of seasonally specific animals. For example, some birds are winter residents on the coast, others are summer, and still others are migratory. The identification of bird remains helps to determine when particular activities took place at the site. Fish may go through migratory patterns, as may marine mammals. A second source of information comes from changes that resident species undergo through the year. Mammals, for example, develop annual growth layers on their teeth. When the teeth are cut open and examined, an estimate of seasonality can be obtained. Male deer drop their antlers in the winter. Therefore, a skull of an adult male deer with evidence that the antlers have dropped naturally indicates a winter kill. Clams have an annual growth cycle followed by a period of quiescence, much like a tree ring. Because they are SO common in shell middens, we can examine hundreds of shells to find out what season the clams were dug. If we assume that the season of procurement was also the time of living at the site, then we have a useful method of determining site seasonality. The evidence indicates that the Fernald Point site was used both in warm and cold seasons, but that does not mean it was used year- round. Summer occupation could have been followed by occasional winter use. At this time, too little of the site has been excavated to allow us to make any more definitive statements, although evidence from the house at Fernald Point almost certainly refers to a winter occupation. 18 Of the ceremonial or religious way of life at Fernald Point we know comparatively little. The site is, of course, a habitation and we should not expect to find much evidence for the spiritual side of life. Our excavations did encounter a group of four burials at the eroding bank edge. It is clear that they were carefully placed into the midden, but few artifacts accompanied the remains. The graves may be unrelated to the other findings at Fernald Point, and represent the deceased of another group. The burial took place around A.D. 1100; midden burial is generally rare in Maine. It would be a mistake to think of the Fernald Point people as living in a social vacuum. The presence of artifacts made from rocks thought to be from Nova Scotia indicates contacts across the Gulf of Maine in prehistoric times. Evidence from recent excavations near Yarmouth, Nova Scotia, hints that journeys across the one hundred miles of open water to Yarmouth had been going on since 2,000 B.C. If there was a year-round presence of people on the coast of Maine, then the many sites in the interior suggest a resident, permanent, interior population. Undoubtedly, there was intermarriage with the interior groups as well. The Penobscot speak of inland and water clans, or family groups, a clear suggestion that people of a single ethnic identity occupied both coastal and interior terrain. Intermarriage between clans would establish in-laws in both areas, always a useful relationship in a land where resources might vary. Over the years, speculative literature about pre-Columbian European voyagers to the coast of Maine has become popular. However common, these claims lack any evidence to convince professional archaeologists of such travels. There is much more we would like to know about Fernald Point and the people who lived there off and on for over 2,000 years. Some of this information is irretrievable because it has been eroded away by the effects of sea-level rise in the area. What is the potential for the Fernald Point site to yield additional secrets? The seawall put in place in 1977 has stood up very well, and did yeoman service during the big storm in the winter of 1978. There are signs, however, that the boulders may be losing some of their effectiveness, and that erosion will again become a factor. Our efforts recovered information that would otherwise have been lost many years ago. It remains to be seen, however, whether we can respond when the inevitable reoccurs, and the Fernald Point site is again at risk. 19 Natives and Newcomers Mount Desert Island In The Age Of Exploration Harald E. L. Prins What Happened In Maine Indian History? In the late nineteenth century, only a few Penobscot elders could still recount the myths, legends, and stories of events long past. The traditions and collective memory of Maine's tribespeople were held in these oral tellings; without them, the native legacy would be lost. In 1893, trying to preserve his tribal heritage, Joseph Nicolar recorded these oral traditions "handed down from the beginning of the red man's world to the present time." In contrast to accepted anthropological theory which states that Maine's contemporary tribespeople descend from PaleoIndian big- game hunters who migrated from Siberia some fourteen thousand years ago, native tradition holds that Gluskap, the first human, came into being "when the world contained no other man, in flesh, but himself." According to Nicolar's narrative, The Life and Traditions of the Red Man, this creation took place in northeastern North America. Since that primeval time, native people inhabited these lands, following the teachings of Gluskap, their culture hero. Finally, after a long, long time, the first Europeans arrived on their shores. This is how tribal historians remembered the event: some young men were out on a hunt, and according to custom had taken one old man with them, and on coming out to the seashore in a little cove where a small brook came out to the sea, the young men discovered a man's track upon the high land, the track begun from the shore and back to it, and around the brook of the fresh water, which appeared to them that someone had been carrying water from the brook to the salt water shore, but no canoe of any kind could be seen moving as far as they could see. When this news was brought to the old man he at once proposed to investigate the matter and upon comparing the strange tracks to those they made, there was a vast difference in three ways, first the person that made the strange tracks must have had on moccasins made of hard substance; second, the tracks were larger than theirs; third, and the most strange part of 21 all, the toes pointed outward instead of inward like those they made themselves. Upon arriving at a conclusion, that the tracks were made by a strange person, it SO affected the old man that he shed tears The tradition may refer to the first encounter between native people and Basque whalers, or Portuguese or French Breton cod fishermen, who frequented the southern coasts of the Gulf of Saint Lawrence from the early 1500s onwards. More probably, it refers to the landing of Giovanni da Verrazano in the Penobscot Bay area in 1524. This Italian explorer, resident of the French port of Rouen, left a written report of such an encounter. In his high-minded estimation, the coast of Maine was inhabited by Bad People of rude and bad habits, SO barbarous that we could converse with them only by signs. They dress in skins of bears, wolves, seals, and other animals. Their food, insofar as we learned by going through their habitations is game, fish, and a kind of wild root. Another likely candidate for the "strange person" described in Penobscot oral tradition is the Portuguese pilot Don Estevan Gomez, commander of the fifty-ton caravel La Anunciada. Sailing in the service of the Spanish Emperor Charles V, he explored and mapped the coast from Cape Breton south-westward, rounding Mount Desert Island, and entering the Penobscot River in the winter of 1525. Several other European navigators sailed the Gulf of Maine in the sixteenth century, some claiming to have steered their ships upriver. One account, written by Andre Thevet, noted that a French crew had traveled "about ten leagues" up the Penobscot in 1556, where they founded a small fort, called Norumbega. Later, in 1580, an English expedition under John Walker landed at "the River of Norambega" (Penobscot?), where they happened on an Indian lodge filled with three hundred moose hides. Helping themselves to the bounty, they sailed back to England. That same year, the Portuguese pilot Simon Ferdinandes, commanding another English vessel, also landed on the Maine coast, where he and his crew acquired a number of hides. By this time, it was not uncommon for French and Basque navigators to sail far up the St. Lawrence River. Whether the native oral tradition referred to the vessels under command of Verrazano, Gomez, Walker, or to one of the other early European mariners that landed on their shores, it is clear that natives recalled the event with bitterness and sorrow. 22 Identifying Maine Indian Tribes in the Early Contact Period We are concerned here, in particular, with the history of Mount Desert Island during the early contact period. An effort to reconstruct this history elicits several problems, not the least of which is the inconsistent system of names used to refer to the region's ethnic groups in the early 1600s. For instance, which particular tribes inhabited the area? How did the natives live? What was their relationship to their neighbors? How did they react to the European invasion of their world? The few existing written records of that period offer us some insight into the indigenous way of life on Maine's central coast (see Figure 1). During the period of culture contact, Maine Indians organized themselves in ethnic groups, often called tribes. These tribespeople belonged to different native communities, each having a particular social identity which allowed them to identify their relationships with one another: friends, allies, trading partners, foes. Fellow tribespeople shared certain cultural traditions-a particular way of speaking, a collective body of religious beliefs and practices, a sense of historical continuity, and an acknowledged common ancestry or place of origin. Each of these communities was recognized by its own particular name. In addition to the name they themselves used, they were often known by the way neighboring groups referred to them. Typically, these names alluded to a particular characteristic, such as the type of land they inhabited, their speech, or particular habits. Not surprisingly, early European observers of the native scene in historic America were puzzled about the ethnic composition of local groups-confused by the effects of movements of native populations, new village formations, conquests, large-scale adoption, and tribal name changes. In consequence, the documents are not always consistent in their description of tribal groups, sometimes using a variety of names to refer to one and the same group, or vice versa. The resultant confusion is especially evident in the case of Atlantic coastal groups such as the Wabanaki, who have had dealings with different European groups for nearly five hundred years. With respect to records concerning Maine's various tribal groups in the early historical period, we are primarily dealing with French and English traditions. The English typically named indigenous local groups after their geographic locale, including territories, rivers, lakes, and bays. The French, however, followed native practice, classifying native communities on the basis of ethnic or linguistic criteria. 23 Figure 1 - Cultural N groupings of Algonkian- speaking peoples at time of European contact. W E QUEB E C S NEW BRUNSWICK Cape Breton PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND Island Presque A N b SCOTIA Old Town NOVA Bangor Port Royal Halifax Grand THE SW Manan Augusta Bar Harbor OCEAN N.H. ATLANTIC Portland Tribal Areas (ca. 1600] 0 10 20 30 40 that Miles For instance, from the early seventeenth century onwards, French explorers in the Gulf of Maine, starting with Samuel de Champlain in 1604, identified three major ethnic groups in the Gulf of Maine area, and referred to them as Souriquois, Etechemin or Etchemin, and Armouchiquois or Almouchiquois. Operating from their colonial headquarters at the Bay of Fundy (1604-1613), the Frenchmen probably adopted the native names used by their local Indian trading partners. Souriquois (the ancestors of today's Micmac) may have reference to the fact that they travelled from the Gulf of St. Lawrence to the Bay of Fundy by way of a river called Souricoua. Etchemin (the ancestors of today's Maliseet, sometimes spelled Malecite, and Passamaquoddy) may have derived from cheenum, a Micmac word for man, or from skijm, a Maliseet word for the same. The Armouchiquois (the ancestors of today's Abenaki) were a people considered hostile by Micmac; the name probably derived from the Micmac word for dogs, used as a derogatory term. Later, after founding a new colony in the St. Lawrence River valley, the French in Canada adopted the local Algonkin name for those they had earlier referred to as Armouchiquois. Inhabiting the lands from the Kennebec River southwards, these Indians were called Abenaki-"eastlanders." In the late 1600s, however, the French colonists in Acadia (comprising the region from Cape Breton to the Kennebec) adopted yet another terminology based on information obtained from their Micmac companions. The name Micmac (probably meaning "Our kin-friends") took the place of Souriquois. Maliseet ("those who speak badly") replaced Etchemin. Canibas (referring to the Kennebec) partially replaced Abenaki. The term Maliseet included those later distinguished as the Passamaquoddy, who still share the same language with the Maliseet. Though distinct in a number of ways, these Northeastern Algonkians spoke related languages, echoed one another's basic patterns of culture, and shared equally in the upheaval brought on by the arrival of the "Strangers." Commenting on the relationship between these three ethnic groups in the colonial period, a French Jesuit historian wrote in 1744: the close union formed between these three nations, their attachment to our interests and to the Christian religion have quite commonly led to include them all under the general name of Abenaqui nations 25 With respect to Mount Desert Island, centrally located on Maine's coastal travel route, there is evidence that the island was frequented, at one time or another, by Indians belonging to each of the region's major three ethnic groups, collectively considered as Wabanaki ("Dawnlanders") since the seventeenth century. Commerce, Conflict, and Colonialization in the Gulf of Maine By the 1530s, tribespeople ranging the Gulf of St. Lawrence region were in regular contact with European fishermen and traders, exchanging furs and hides for commodities such as steel knives, cloth, biscuits, and other items. Chieftains of some strategically located groups of Micmac and Montagnais Indians became middlemen in the fur trade from the second half of the sixteenth century onwards. By the 1590s, some of these native fur traders had acquired European shallops; in these small boats they sailed enormous distances in the pursuit of trade. Before the arrival of French and English fur traders in the Gulf of Maine, Micmac entrepreneurs monopolized the trade between the Gulf of St. Lawrence and coastal Maine, where they purchased the skins of moose, deer, bear, sable, otter, mink, and especially beaver. In addition, they acquired corn, squash, beans, and wampum (white and blue shell beads) from the Abenaki and their southern neighbors. Until the early 1600s, when European commercial activities remained confined to the Gulf of St. Lawrence, the Micmac were unchallenged as middlemen in the fur trade. This situation changed when French, Basque, and English vessels ventured into the Gulf of Maine on a more regular basis (see Figure For instance, in 1602, the English bark Concord sailed from Cornwall to the Gulf of Maine. Using a detailed description of Verrazano's 1524 voyage, the crew under Captain Gosnold "made the land" at Cape Neddick. There, on the coast of southern Maine, they happened on a Micmac trader. According to Gosnold's report, we came to an anchor, where six Indians in a Basque shallop with mast and sail, an iron grapple, and a kettle of copper, came boldly aboard us, one of them apparelled with a waistcoat and breeches of black serge, made after our sea- fashion, hose and shoes on his feet These with a piece of chalk described the coast thereabouts, and could name Placentia (Plaisance, a popular harbor for European fishing fleets) of the Newfoundland 26 Et ait Helias Reuertere et africe Septem vicibus, et factum cst in Septima ct cccc nubes parna oves fendchat Adam Willeres Inuenter Magdalena Van de pas fecit pas Figure 2 - This engraving of Basque whalers shows a number of vessel types popular during the seventeenth century. The smaller boat in the foreground may be a shallop, often equipped with both sail and oars. The larger vessels are probably carracks, typical trading vessels of the fourteenth through seventeenth centuries. Ships of this type were probably used by the early explorers and would have become a familiar sight to native people on the coast. Photo courtesy The Kendall Whaling Museum, Sharon, Massachusetts, USA, P-S114. 27 In 1604, two French vessels arrived in the Gulf of Maine. The expedition's navigator, Samuel de Champlain, scouted the area for a suitable place to locate a new colony and fur trade post, and initially established one on an island in Passamaquoddy Bay. Guided by two local Indians, a Micmac and a Maliseet, Champlain and twelve crewmen boarded a pinnace to explore the coast. On September 5, Champlain noted in his log: we passed also near to an island about four or five leagues long, in the neighborhood of which we just escaped being lost on a little rock on a level with the water, which made an opening in our barque near the keel. [This island] is very high and notched in places, SO that there is the appearance to one at sea, as of seven or eight mountains extending along near each other. The summit of most of them is destitute of trees, as there are only rocks on them I named it Isle de Monts Deserts. The Indian name for Mount Desert Island was Pemetiq, meaning "a range of mountains." They encountered some canoes in the Mount Desert Island area, manned by Indians who "had come to hunt beaver, and to catch fish, some of which they gave us" (see Figure 3). Champlain reported that these people "guided us into their river Peimtegoet [Penobscot], as they call it, where they told us lived their great Captain named Bessabez, headman of that river.' Observing that it "was the first time they had ever beheld [European] Christians," Champlain referred to these natives as Etchemins (Maliseet- Passamaquoddy) and described them as "very swarthy and clothed in beaver-skins and other furs." Searching for the legendary city of Norumbega, Champlain steered his small vessel far up the Penobscot. Finding no evidence of this place, he reported seeing only one or two empty Indians cabins which were constructed in the same manner as those of the Souriquois [Micmac], which are covered with tree-bark; and from what I could judge there are few Indians in this river, which is called Pemetegoit [Penobscot]. They come there and to the islands for only a few months in summer during the fishing and hunting season when game is plentiful. They are a people with no fixed abode; for they winter now in one place, now in another, wherever they perceive that the chase for wild animals is the best. 28 Figure 3 - Native men fishing in a Micmac-style canoe, early seventeenth century. From Les Raretes des Indes by Becard de Granville. Photo courtesy The Gilcrease Museum, Tulsa, Oklahoma. 29 The Etchemin chieftain Bessabez, or, as the English referred to him, the Bashaba, was the powerful sagamore (headman) of about 250 warriors. Politically allied to neighboring sagamores, each of whom had their own followings, Bessabez was able to muster the support of many hundreds of fighters. However, he "had many enemies, especially those to the east and northeast, whom they called Tarantines [Micmacs, who were] counted a warlike and hardy people." The following year, the French colonists, under the Sieur de Monts, relocated their settlement across the Bay of Fundy, at Port Royal, while Champlain continued to explore and map the coastal region as far south as Cape Cod. That same year, five Etchemin were kidnapped from Pemaquid by an English crew under the command of Captain Weymouth, who shipped them back to England. They eventually came into the custody of an entrepreneur named Lord Ferdinando Gorges, who kept them for several years, and "made them able to set me down what great rivers ran up into the land, what men of note were seated on them, what power they were of, how allied, what enemies they had, and the like " The captives, Dehanada, Skidwarres, Assacomet, Maneddo, and Amoret said they came from Mawooshen, a territory "governed in chief by a principali commander or prince, whom they call Bashaba [of Penobscot], who hath under his divers petty kings, which they call sagamores, all rich in divers kinds of excellent furs." When Armouchiquois tribesmen from the Saco River murdered a Micmac trader at Penobscot Bay, Membertou, the Micmac sagamore at Port Royal, assembled a fighting force of Micmac and Maliseet allies to revenge his kinsmen (see Figure 4). In the summer of 1607, armed with spears, tomahawks, bows and arrows, as well as with muskets, the warriors sailed in shallops to the Saco, where they attacked the Armouchiquois. It appears that their French allies had supplied them with the firearms when the French, including Champlain, temporarily vacated Port Royal, returning to France to settle some legal disputes about Sieur de Monts' title to the fisheries and fur trade in Acadia. Meanwhile, two English vessels, guided by Skidwarres and Dahanada (two of Weymouth's kidnapped tribesmen), arrived at the mouth of the Kennebec in 1607, founding the Popham colony. According to the region's natives their Spirit, Tanto, "commanded them [the Indians] not to dwell neere, or come among the English, threatening to kill some and inflict sickness on others, beginning with two of their Sagamo[re]s children." Unsuccessfully settled by a group of "convicted felons," the Popham colony was abandoned in 1608. 30 marvelled at native dress and decoration, including here tattoos and what Figure 4 - Seventeenth-century Micmac man. Early explorers often may be a wampum or glass bead headdress. Engraving by J. Laroque, after Jacques Grasset St. Sauveur. Photo courtesy Public Archives of Canada, C- 21112. 31 The following year, the Dutch vessel De Halve Maen (The Half Moon) under Captain Henry Hudson arrived in the Gulf of Maine. En route to the Penobscot River, he and his crew spotted several French fishing vessels and two sailing boats manned by Micmac. The Indians informed Hudson that "the Frenchmen doe trade with them; which is very likely, for one of them spoke some words of French." Landing at Penobscot, they saw two French shallops full of the country people [Indians] come into the harbour, but they offered us no wrong, seeing we stood upon our guard. They brought many beaver skinnes and other fine furres, which they would have changed for redde gowns. For the French trade with them for red cassockes [coats], knives, hatchets, copper kettles, trevits [?], beades, and other trifles. After five days of trade Hudson's men switched their tactics to force, driving the natives from their houses and seizing the furs they wanted. Leaving the Penobscot behind, the Dutch sailed for the Hudson River, named after De Halve Maen's savage captain. The Founding and Fall of the Jesuit Mission at Mount Desert Island By this time, crews from several French and English vessels were employed in fishing and fur trade activities all along the coast, called Acadia by the French. Concerned about the increased competition for beaver and other furs in the Gulf of Maine area, a party of about twenty French colonists returned to Port Royal in 1610. For three years, the abandoned establishment had been guarded by Chief Membertou and the Micmac. In addition to the Sieur de Poutrincourt, their commander, and his son de Biencourt, the community at Port Royal included secular priest Jesse Fleché, who immediately began to baptize the local Micmac, although "he did not know the language, and had nothing with which to support them." In May 1611, after four months at sea, two Jesuit Fathers, Pierre Biard and Enemond Massé, arrived in Port Royal on board La Grace de Dieu. They were sponsored by the powerful Marquise de Guercheville, wife of the Governor of Paris and lady-in-waiting to the Queen Mother, Marie de Medici. During the summer, Biard accompanied Biencourt on several trips, "the one lasting about twelve days, the other a month and a half; and we have ranged the entire coast from Port Royal to Kinibequi [Kennebec] We entered the great 32 rivers St. John, Saincte Croix, Pentegoet [Penobscot], and the above- named Kinibequi We visited the French who have wintered there this year in two places, at the St. John River and at the river Saincte Croix." During his journey to Penobscot River, Biard visited Bessabez's village: " there was the finest assemblage of Indians that I have yet seen. There were 80 canoes and a shallop, 18 lodges and about 300 souls." In exchange for furs, the region's tribespeople acquired all kinds of European commodities, such as steel knives, hatchets, copper kettles, alcohol, and cloth, among other things. The impact of the fur trade on Wabanaki life was quite obvious, as Biard noted: " in Summer they often wear our capes, and in Winter our bed-blankets, which they improve with trimming and wear double. They are also quite willing to make use of our hats, shoes, caps, woolens and shirts, and of our linen to clean their infants, for we trade them all these commodities for their furs." From Port Royal, Biard mailed detailed reports to his superiors in Paris, describing the conditions in Acadia, its native peoples, their way of life, and, of course, the commercial opportunities of the fur trade and the fisheries. Commenting on his mission to the Indians, the Jesuit wrote: If they are savages, it is to domesticate and civilize them that we have come here; if they are rude, that is no reason that we should be idle; if they have until now profited little, it is no wonder, for it would be too much to expect fruit from this grafting, and to demand reason and beard [maturity] from a child. On the other hand, the Jesuit was quite aware how the region's Wabanaki viewed the Europeans on their shores: [They] conclude generally that they are superior to all Christians Also they consider themselves more ingenious, inasmuch as they see us admire some of their productions as the work of people SO rude and ignorant; lacking intelligence, they bestow very little admiration upon what we show them, although much more worthy of being admired. Hence they regard themselves as much richer than we are, although they are poor and wretched in the extreme They consider themselves better than the French: 'For, they say, 'you are always fighting and quarreling among 33 yourselves; we live peaceably. You are envious and are all the time slandering each other; you are thieves and deceivers; you are covetous, and are neither generous nor kind; as for us, if we have a morsel of bread we share it with our neighbor, they are saying these and like things continually Supported by the Queen Mother, influential Jesuits in Paris induced Madame de Guercheville to form a new French colony in Acadia. Having acquired a grant from King Louis XIII, she possessed a monopoly on the fur trade in the Gulf of Maine. Madame de Guercheville appointed the Sieur de la Motte as its commander, instructing him to have a vessel fitted out for the expedition to the Gulf of Maine. About fifty Frenchmen, including two Jesuit brothers, Gilbert du Thet and Quentin, boarded the ship, which left France in January 1613. Landing at Port Royal, they were joined by Biard and Massé. Using Champlain's maps, and probably guided by Biard, who was familiar with the area as far south as the Kennebec, the vessel sailed toward Penobscot Bay. Arriving on the eastside of Mount Desert Island, the vessel anchored in a harbor. At Mount Desert Island, "a great crowd of savages" came to see the French, bringing a sick child to Biard. Healed by the Jesuit, the child was baptized and given the name of its new godfather, Nicholas de la Motte. Hearing that the French "had some intention of making a settlement there," Bessabez of Penobscot "came to persuade us, with a thousand promises, to go to his place" at Kadesquit (now Bangor). Instead, invited by local tribespeople to remain at Mount Desert Island, the French began to build their settlement named Saint Sauveur-"Holy Savior." Operating from their new headquarters at Saint Sauveur, the Jesuits planned to embark upon their missionary activities. The Wabanaki tradition as told by the Penobscot chieftain Joseph Nicolar relates these events as follows: At about this period another white man came in his big canoe and landed on the shore of the eastern coast almost in the midst of the northern country, on a high island very near the spot where [Gluskap] and the dog killed the first moose. Here the white man planted his cross. 34 The Tears That Rush Upon My Brow Disputing French political claims to Wabanaki territories, the English colonists at Jamestown argued that the Gulf of Maine belonged to Virginia. Realizing that their rivals had founded a new settlement at Mount Desert Island, the English feared competition. That same summer, Captain Argall of Jamestown received orders to attack the Mission of Saint Sauveur, and surprised the infant colony. Thirty-five Frenchmen were captured, and the Jesuit du Thet was killed. Father Massé and thirty others were allowed to take two shallops and leave the island. After a difficult journey, they were rescued by fishing vessels, which took the hapless colonists back to France. The Jesuits Biard and Quentin, as well as two other Frenchmen, were taken to an English vessel off Pemaquid, which carried them back to Europe. Meanwhile, Captain Argall received instructions "to plunder and demolish all the fortifications and settlements of the French along the entire coast as far as Cape Breton." Having razed Saint Sauveur, the English captured an Indian at Passamaquoddy Bay. He showed them the way to Port Royal, which they burned to the ground. Meanwhile, still supplied by their French allies, Micmac (Souriquois) warriors tried to maintain their dominant trading position northeast of the Penobscot. From their Gulf of Maine stronghold at Mount Desert Island, by then also known as Sourico Island, sailing in shallops and armed with muskets, they could stage lightning raids against their enemies, in particular the Bashaba of Penobscot. In 1615, according to an English document, they "surprised the Bashaba, and slew him and all his people near about him, carrying away his women and such other matters as they thought of value." A year later, this intertribal war on Maine's coast was followed by "a great and general plague, which SO violently reigned for three years together, that in a manner the greater part of that land was left desert, without any to disturb or oppose our free and peaceable possession thereof." Because they were unfamiliar with the alien diseases introduced by the newcomers from across the Atlantic, most Wabanaki victim to highly contagious diseases such as smallpox and bubonic plague. An estimated seventy-five percent of the native population, and perhaps even more, perished during this epidemic. When it was over, an Englishman wrote "that they died on heapes as they lay in their houses and the living that were able to shift for themselves would runne away, & let them dy And the bones, and skulls made such 35 a spectacle that as I travailed in that Forrest it seemed to mee a new Golgotha." In the nineteenth century, still remembering this accursed period in their people's history, old Penobscot Indian traditionalists recounted the words spoken by the old man when he reported seeing the "strange tracks" on the beach. Back in his village, he told the tribal council of elders: Upon seeing the strange tracks, all the warnings which have been giving us, how that a time is coming when we must look for the coming of the white man from the direction of the rising sun I could not withhold the tears that rushed upon my brow. Knowing that a great change must follow his coming it made me weak and the weakness overcame me, because his coming will put a bar to our happiness, and our destiny will be at the mercy of the events. Being satisfied that me and the young men have seen the tracks of this strange man, it becomes as our gravest duty to prepare ourselves and people SO to be ready to meet the changes which may follow. 36 Bibliography Anon., The Description of the Countrey of Mawooshen, in: S. Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas His Pilgrimes Contayning a History of the World in Sea Voyages and Lande Travells by Englishmen and others, Vol. XIX, Glasgow, James MacLehose and Sons, University Press, 1907. Archer, G., The Relation of Captain Gosnold's Voyage to the North Part of Virginia (1602), in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections Third Series, Vol. 8 (1843) pp. 72-81. Asher, G.M., Henry Hudson the Navigator, London, 1860. 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