From collection Creating Acadia National Park: The George B. Dorr Research Archive of Ronald H. Epp

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Thornton, Tamara P.
Thornton, Tamara P.
Antebellum American Horticulture & T.W. Ward - Sent - Verizon Yahoo! Mail
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Antebellum American Horticulture & T.W. Ward
Tuesday, January 27, 2009 2:01 PM
Inbox (4)
From: "ELIZABETH and RONALD EPP"
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To: thornton@acsu.buffalo.edu
Sent
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Dear Professor Thornton:
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I have recently relied heavily on your Cultivating Gentlemen and "Moral Dimensions of Horticulture" in relating the mercantile success one of the first
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[Hide]
families of Boston to their horticultural interests.
DorrBiblio
Ac story
The Library of American Landscape Design and the University of Massachusetts Press will be publishing my biography of conservationist George Bucknam
DorrBio2008
Dorr (1853-1944), the founder and first superintendent of Acadia National Park. His mother, Mary Gray Ward Dorr (1820-1901) was the daughter of
Eliz messages
Thomas Wren Ward (1786-1858) of #3 Park Street, Boston, the exclusive agent for the highly influential London banking firm, Barings & Sons.
Horseshoe Pond
I mention all of this because T. W. Ward Papers at the Massachusetts Historical Society provide evidence for yet another name to add to your list (note 46
Member Informa
in "Moral Dimensions") of the Boston elite who believed that horticulture could effect social reform unique to their class. Were you familiar with
Ron Archives
these holdings?
His son, Samuel Gray Ward (1817-1907) is regarded as the first of the Lenox cottagers, forsaking mercantile opportunities at 25 years of age for the
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challenges of the Berkshire gentleman farmer-reformer. The Ward Papers provide abundant evidence of the preoccupation of both father and son with self-
definition and the "balance" between worldly success and obligations of benevolence. In later life S.G. Ward--who stepped into his father's business shoes
My Photos
in 1853--would publish his own Ward Family Papers that relate to the issues I've raised here. Both father, son, and the Dorrs acquired summer property in
My Attachments
Canton (where the cultivation of pears was carried on extensively); the latter owned a residence on Jamaica Pond (1850-1865) directly across from the
Francis Parkman estate.
ADVERTISEMENT
Dorr (Harvard, 1874) would partner with Harvard President Charles W. Eliot to establish on coastal Maine the Hancock Country Trustees of Public
Reservations, the landscape preservation organization that assembled the tracts that led to the establishment of the Park in 1916.
Earn your
Master's Degree
The attention you have given in your writings to Mount Auburn Cemetery (where T.W. Ward was one of the first Proprietors) is integral to the larger issues
ONLINE
of antebellum America. Were you aware that MAC just celebrated their 175th anniversary? I'm fortunate to count the recently retired President, William C.
in 15 MONTHS
Clendaniel as a friend who had helped me better understand the interplay between natural and cultural landscapes.
Request Info Now
I'm pleased to discover that SNUYAB is benefit ting from your experience. I was a graduate student in philosophy there back in the late Sixties before
Colorado Technical University
receiving my doctorate in 1971.
Connect future
Thank you for the thoroughness of your research and the seemingly effortless way in which you have woven themes that are too often ignored by
historians.
Cordially,
Ronald H. Epp Ph.D.
47 Pond View Drive
Merrimack, NH 03054
(603) 424-6149
eppster2@verizon.net
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1/27/2009
Tamara Plakins Thornton, Department of History, University at Buffalo
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Department of
UB
University at Buffalo
The State University of New York
HISTORY
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Tamara Plakins Thornton, Professor
office: 568 Park Hall
email: thornton@acsu.buffalo.edu
Undergraduate
phone: (716) 645-8419
Healthy
Intellectual Resources
Contact Information:
Department of History
546 Park Hall
Buffalo, NY 14260-4130
Education: A.B., Harvard, 1978; Ph.D., Yale, 1987
phone: (716) 645-2181
fax: (716) 645-5954
Courses Regularly Taught:
HIS 161: U.S. to 1877
HIS 216: Crime and Punishment in America
HIS 361/62: American Cultural and Intellectual History I and II
HIS 429: American Landscape History
HIS 537: Readings in American Cultural History
HIS 551: Intellectual Life in America
HIS 576: American History Core I
Field(s): American
Hub(s): Knowledge; Culture and Society
Research Interests: American cultural and intellectual history; early republic and antebellum America; the
structure of American intellectual life; American elites; history of reading and writing
Current Research: I am currently working on a biography of Nathaniel Bowditch (1773-1838), prominent in
scientific, business, and social circles in Salem and Boston.
Selected Publications:
""A Great Machine' or a 'Beast of Prey': A Boston Corporation and Its Rural Debtors in an Age of Capitalist
Transformation," Journal of the Early Republic, 27.4 (Winter 2007): 567-97.
"Deviance, Dominance and the Construction of Handedness in Turn-of-the-Century Anglo-America," in Moral
Problems in American Life, Karen Halttunen and Lewis Perry, eds., (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1999).
Handwriting in America: A Cultural History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996)
Cultivating Gentlemen: The Meaning of Country Life among the Boston Elite, 1785-1860 (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1989)
Awards:
Summer 2008: Co-director (invited) of SHEAR-Mellon Summer Seminar in Early American History. The
seminar, funded by the Mellon Foundation and given under the auspices of SHEAR and the University of
Pennsylvania's McNeil Center for the Study of Early America, awards fellowships to ten undergraduates from
around the country who come to Philadelphia for three weeks of directed study and research in Philadelphia
http://www.history.buffalo.edu/people/thornton.shtml
1/27/2009
256
Reviews of Books
landing British troops on the coast, and was tenaciously
Civil War. At first, leading Bostonians embraced exper-
promoted throughout the war by Brown, the gover-
imental agriculture and country living ostensibly to
nors of Georgia and Florida, and Lord George Ger-
demonstrate their mercantile wisdom and benevolent
main. Yet Brown was thwarted in carrying out the plan,
concern for the common farmer. They hoped to cast
not only by American rebels but also by lukewarm
off "the negative connotations" of their association with
British commanders, military rivals, and Indian offi-
urban commerce and manufacturing and to deflect
cials, such as John Stuart, who felt threatened. Cashin
political challenge (p. 2). But why did the elite do SO
sheds new light on many of the specific obstacles to
little initially to publicize their efforts or reach practical
implementation of the plan and convincingly demon-
farmers? The answer, Thornton believes, is that exper-
strates Brown's dominance on the southern frontier
imental farming and retirement to country estates were
from 1775 to 1782. Read in conjunction with the work
for most "an act not of public benevolence but of
of Gary Olson, Robert S. Lambert, Martha Condray
private self-characterization" (p. 30). The elite sought
Searcy, and J. Leitch Wright, which Cashin generously
to convince themselves that they lived the plain life of
acknowledges, this book will enable specialists to reach
British country gentlemen ("all terms are relative, of
a deeper understanding of the southern frontier dur-
course!" [p. 34]) and that they represented a virtuous
ing the revolution.
opposition to the courtly Jeffersonian Republicans
Cashin devotes too little attention, however, to the
who, they believed, had betrayed the revolution and
ruined the nation.
larger objectives of Britain in prosecuting the war in
After the War of 1812, Boston's elite aimed at "the
America. And, although he does at one point concede
that perhaps Brown was not actually the originator of
complete reform of agriculture as a social and political
the "grand plan," a wise concession since it was devel-
necessity" (p. 77). The death of the Federalist party,
oped and set in motion by John Connolly on the
the growth of cities and factories, and the decline of
Virginia frontier before British officials ever heard of
New England's political power forced elite citizens to
Brown, Cashin often claims too much for Brown, and
embrace agricultural reform in order to stem westward
such concessions are too rare. Nevertheless, these ob-
migration and preserve rural values. The reform
jections aside, Brown's career from Yorkshire pro-
movement also helped Boston's leading mercantile and
moter and Georgia planter to manager of Indians,
manufacturing families find common ground and mit-
loyalist claimant, confidant of colonial governors, and
igate internecine antagonisms.
West Indies colonizer testifies to his extraordinary
Once, however, Boston's mercantile and manufac-
ability to influence people and events. His is above all
turing families had intermarried extensively and had
closed their circle to new entrants in the 1830s, and
the story of an individual's impact on history. It is
therefore regrettable that Brown early became the
after they had consolidated their power in the state's
captive of Georgia historians seeking a symbol to dra-
Whig party, their "concerns shifted subtly from politi-
matize lurid tales of frontier revenge and savagery, a
cal and social leadership to individual and class self-
development that Cashin astutely analyzes in a final
justification" (p. 141). The rise of aristocratic values
excellent chapter on Brown's place in the iconography
among Boston's leading citizens led to an obsession
of the American revolution in the South.
with the breeding of plants and animals (and with the
preservation and improvement of Brahmin blood-
PAUL H. SMITH
Library of Congress
lines). Those values also led to a new "preference for
the beautiful over the practical, for ornament over
utility," as the elite dedicated more of their wealth to
TAMARA PLAKINS THORNTON. Cultivating Gentlemen: The
hobbies, leisure, and display (p. 84). Participants in the
Meaning of Country Life among the Boston Elite, 1785-
Massachusetts Horticultural Society, founded in 1829,
1860. New Haven: Yale University Press. 1989. Pp. xii,
and in the Massachusetts Society for the Promotion of
244. $29.95.
Agriculture focused single-mindedly on breeding im-
ported English livestock. And they became convinced
Tamara Plakins Thornton's book is an original, beau-
that "they had something in common" with their fruits,
tifully written study of Boston's elite. Her "history of
flowers, vegetables, and horses, for "both were the
the overarticulate" (p. xi) finds fresh things to say about
choice products of cultivation" (p. 171).
leading Bostonians of the eighteenth and nineteenth
Boston's elite became increasingly "inward-looking"
centuries as it explores their obsession with country
84) and "self-preoccupied" (p. 141), and it was not
estates, livestock breeding, horticulture, and agricul-
long before they lost interest in practical farming and
tural societies. Thornton believes that the trappings of
entertained thoughts of improving themselves "into a
these rural pursuits-"Cabot's potatoes, Quincy's car-
species" (p. 171). After the Civil War, leading citizens
rots, Ingersoll's pigs, and Perkin's fruits"-shed new
readily embraced the works of racist ethnologists and
light on the commercial-industrial elite and on class
Social Darwinists and transformed the pursuit of prize-
relationships in the early republic.
winning plants and animals, which at first represented
Thornton finds that the meaning of the elite's pre-
antidotes to materialism, into a pattern of conspicuous
occupation with agriculture and rural life changed
consumption.
dramatically between the American revolution and the
I hope Thornton will extend her work on class
American Historical Review 96 (1991)-
United States
257
relations and elite cultures in antebellum America and
among the diverse people of Buffalo. Of special note
compare her findings with those of E. Digby Baltzell on
here is his insistence that the 1850s saw the ethniciza-
the Philadelphia elite (Puritan Boston and Quaker Phila-
tion, especially under the influence of nativism, of
delphia [1979]) and Jan Lewis on the Virginia elite
Protestant Americans. Having thus compounded eth-
(Pursuit of Happiness [1983]). I wish she had spent as
nic diversity, Gerber concludes on a note of unity by
much time comparing America's regional elites as she
describing the work of the Republican party in forming
did comparing New England's and England's. But this
a coalition of American and German ethnics that
is simply a plea for more. Her book is an entertaining,
overturned Democratic domination of Buffalo and
thoughtful, and important work.
produced a strong vote for Abraham Lincoln in 1860.
RANDOLPH ROTH
And so politics completed the making of an American
Ohio State University,
pluralism.
Columbus
There are some problems with this work. Among
various irritants is Gerber's prose, which, although
DAVID A. GERBER. The Making of an American Pluralism:
generally serviceable, more than occasionally lapses
into clumsy pretentiousness. A more serious fault is his
Buffalo, New York, 1825-60. (Statue of Liberty-Ellis
almost entire neglect of the racial dimensions of Amer-
Island Centennial Series.) Urbana: University of Illi-
nois Press. 1989. Pp. xvii, 531. $34.95.
ican pluralism, a surprise because his first book dealt
with the race situation in Ohio. In other ways, too, his
tripartite model of ethnicization is nearly as simplistic
In this big book, David A. Gerber uses antebellum
as the pious model of "Americanization" that it is
Buffalo to develop a dynamic model of interactive
evidently designed to replace, most notably in its ten-
social class and ethnicity at least indirectly influenced
dency to play down the forces for assimilation opposed
by the neo-ethnicism of the early 1970s. While ac-
to the ethnicizing process.
knowledging his borrowings from recent social history,
This book, however, has even more noteworthy
Gerber also claims that his work has some significant
merits. Along with its thought-provoking thesis, it
new features, most notably his rejection of the notion
provides a compendium of techniques and ideas asso-
that ethnic groups were preexistent in favor of the view
ciated with the new social history, and it wins respect
that they were formed in America under largely Amer-
for its often-sensitive treatment of the interworkings of
ican conditions by a process that he calls "ethniciza-
ethnicity and social class. Beyond these matters, it also
tion." In general, he deals with Buffalo as a public field
furnishes numerous insights into the economic, cul-
for the operation of distinctive but overlapping pro-
tural, social, and political history of Buffalo. Students
cesses of class formation and ethnicization.
of urban as well as social history will find it a useful
In his discussion of the first decades of Buffalo's
work.
growth after the opening of the Erie Canal, Gerber
EDWARD K. SPANN
emphasizes the emergence of a distinctively American
Indiana State University
class situation, where "bourgeois" businessmen and
their allies exercised social and moral authority over a
population of largely Protestant property owners.
DOUGLAS R. EGERTON. Charles Fenton Mercer and the Trial
Thus, while artisans and other occupational groups
of National Conservatism, Jackson: University Press of
existed, class differences were muted, and they were
Mississippi. 1989. Pp. xiii, 343. $35.00.
further moderated by temperance and other strivings
for reform that integrated not only the classes but the
More than four decades ago, Dumas Malone wrote a
sexes into a common effort to create a bourgeois social
lovely essay on the "great generation" of Virginians
order.
who helped make a revolution and build a nation.
By the late 1840s, this'social order was confronted by
Douglas R. Egerton's earnest attempt to rescue from
a radically different social reality associated with grow-
historical oblivion one of the next generation of Vir-
ing numbers of Irish and then German immigrants.
ginia leaders provides a sharp reminder of the steep
Each of these immigrant groups, in Gerber's view,
decline in the caliber of leaders that Virginia produced
developed a distinctive form of ethnic solidarity de-
after 1800.
rived from its particular relationship with local circum-
Born in 1778 to a prominent and propertied Fred-
stances as well as from its cultural character. After
ericksburg family, Charles Fenton Mercer had all the
establishing the existence of three primary social
advantages that an ambitious youth could want. At the
groups (Americans, Irish, and Germans), Gerber then
College of New Jersey (Princeton) in the mid-1790s,
relates them first to the emergence of the modern labor
Mercer absorbed the notion of responsibility for "ser-
class, where ethnicity affected class consciousness, and
vice" to his commonwealth and nation.
then to religion, where conflict but also some accom-
He did not shirk this responsibility. A committed
modation between Protestants and Catholics produced
conservative who never believed that common people
a "new interconfessional order" (p. 280).
were likely to make wise political choices, Mercer was
In his last section, Gerber deals with politics as an
shrewd enough to recognize that his times demanded
agency of both ethnic identity and civic community
public obeisance to the democratic ideal. Egerton cred-
Ronald Story. Review of Cultivating gentlemen.
606
WILLIAM AND MARY QUARTERLY Vol.47. Third Series.
socialist tract in America, Equality: A Political Romance (Philadelphia,
(1990):
1802). Twomey's discussion of Reynolds is worth the price of the book.
606-609.
He skillfully provides Reynolds's biography, gives superb context to his
arrival in Philadelphia, and offers fresh analysis to his neglected vision.
Twomey completes his analysis with a useful discussion of the ambigu-
ities of the Jacobin legacy. Radical in their demands for greater political
equality, Jacobins became spokesmen "for a new industrial morality" (p.
242). Their vehement denunciation of trade union efforts showed dismay-
ing class hostilities. Their descent into reformism, concludes Twomey,
stemmed from exile and their fragile ties with the American working
classes. Reynolds, a true original, alone was able to break through the
traditional boundaries of transatlantic radicalism.
Twomey's work bears up well within the historiography of the early
American working classes. Hé shows the impact of influences from abroad
on political consciousness and organization in the Age of Jefferson. What
he does not do is expand the analysis beyond this historiography to include
women's and African-American republicanism. Twomey's study is hardly
alone in this fault
Comment is necessary on the production of the volume. Twomey is an
active scholar. Yet the dissertation is printed without any introduction
covering historiographic developments in the past sixteen years. There is
an excellent bibiliography but, inexplicably, no index. The publisher
should have invested more time and money in the production of this fine
work.
Colgate University
GRAHAM HODGES
Cultivating Gentlemen: The Meaning of Country Life among the Boston Elite,
1785-1860. By TAMARA PLAKINS THORNTON. (New Haven, Conn.:
Yale University Press, 1989. Pp. xii, 244. $29.95.)
Like other scholars, Tamara Plakins Thornton is struck by how exten-
sively members of the industrial-commercial elite of post-Revolutionary
Boston, America's "ultimate business aristocracy," concerned themselves
with country estates, gentlemanly farming, agricultural experimentation,
horticultural societies, and other "rural pursuits" (p. I). Why did they
involve themselves in these pursuits, Thornton asks, and what does their
involvement say about antebellum America?
Thornton divides her study into three parts. Part One considers the
immediate post-Revolutionary years, when many newly rich Bostonians
established country seats with extensive fields, gardens, and greenhouses.
Their motives included a desire for "rural retirement" from business and
political vicissitudes (p. 49) and a longing to emulate wealthy British
landowners, particularly the greater gentry and the Pittite swarm of
parvenu bankers, merchants, and lawyers. But Thornton also connects the
phenomenon to a well-known dilemma of republican ideology: the danger
REVIEWS OF BOOKS
607
that commercial wealth would run to extravagance, vice, corruption, and
ruin. This fear, she argues, led her genteel rustics into avid experimental
husbandry and gentlemanly farming-elegant and rational bulwarks
against debilitating luxury.
There was a public dimension as well, most visible in the Massachusetts
Society for the Promotion of Agriculture, founded in 1792. Mostly
merchants or professional men with commercial connections, the early
officers, trustees, and members of the MSPA looked chiefly to England for
intelligence and guidance and expected MSPA pamphlets, gifts of new
seed types, and money prizes to stimulate "practical" farmers to make
improvements. Since neither agriculture nor landholding contributed
significantly to members' incomes, why did they busy themselves in these
ways? In order, writes Thornton, to deal with another dilemma of
republican government: how to justify, in a democracy, leadership by the
wealthy and prominent. Support for the MSPA demonstrated benevolent
and disinterested concern for agriculture and the farmer. Full-time
farmers did not belong to the MSPA because they were by definition not
disinterested; merchants were. Merchants, moreover, occupied the van-
guard of innovation and scientific inquiry. They could thus demonstrate
not just public service, but also modern wisdom, and in this way lay claim
to political as well as economic dominance.
Part Two considers the period between the end of the War of 1812 and
the mid-1830s, when industrialization and economic growth produced
social, cultural, political, and economic fissures within the nascent Boston
elite that Thornton calls "hard to underestimate" (p. 85). One response
was still greater institutional bustle-as in the MSPA, which mounted a
membership drive, began a regularly published journal, and organized a
well-attended cattle show in Brighton, where livestock of chiefly British
extraction were featured. As before, however, fewer practical than
gentleman farmers paid attention to these doings, leading the gentlemen,
as before, to protest their disinterested, even patriotic benevolence.
Another response was not only to develop genteel rustic suburbs such
as Brookline, Charlestown, and Waltham but to adduce arguments
pointing to a transformed political and economic landscape. Thornton is
persuasive on this point. The gentleman reformers of this era were
S.G.
concerned primarily with a specific goal: to shrink the acreage required for
an individual farm to be financially viable in New England. Otherwise, the
ward
rural population would migrate to the West or to factory towns. If
westward, there would be a smaller population base, hence reduced
power, for the region's congressional delegations and therefore its com-
mercial leadership. If to towns, there would develop the unsettling
prospect of an unruly industrial proletariat. Not surprisingly, when
widespread agricultural improvement proved infeasible, elite spokesmen
resorted to the timeworn expedient of moral exhortation. "The society
and economy of your state," Thornton paraphrases her reformers saying,
"have become anglicized, SO you must anglicize your agriculture" (p. 131).
608
WILLIAM AND MARY QUARTERLY
New England farmers, like the Old World's peasants, should abandon the
goal of wealth and accept their austere, if virtuous, lot.
In Part Three Thornton examines rustic gentility during the period of
what she terms, following the interpretation of F. C. Jaher (The Urban
Establishment), a "consolidated" elite, one at the pinnacle of its power but
preoccupied with self-examination and self-definition, with discovering
and displaying what, besides money, gave the elite legitimacy and author-
ity as a privileged class. Scientific agriculture, initially an option for
practical farmers hard-pressed by midwestern wheat, became largely
horticulture, a vast and expensive hobby of the elite. Some estates were SO
casan
colossal-Horatio Hunnewell's in Wellesley spread over 500 acres; Mar-
shall Pinckney Wilder's in Dorchester was even larger-that they seemed
English rather than American; the owners themselves often spent many
hours a day tending them. The Massachusetts Horticultural Society,
founded in 1829, was modeled on the Horticultural Society of London
and with an elite membership drawn from a broad range of occupations.
The MHS's annual exhibition soon became a major social occasion, and
while the society all but smothered the MSPA, it also initiated a national
movement by helping found the country's first rural cemetery, Mt.
Auburn in Cambridge.
This turn to horticulture represented a break with the elite's traditional
concern with utility. Horticulture became popular, argues Thornton,
precisely because it was not useful. Only purportedly useless flowers gave
the Bostonians what they craved-assurance, both to the public and to
themselves, that they were superior to competition, avarice, and materi-
alism. Horticulture enabled them to rise above the battle for money and
power. Thornton notes parenthetically that the MHS did not have female
members because women, being quarantined from marketplace and
forum, had no need for the moral antidote of horticulture. It took a man
to appreciate something without market value. Flowers, moreover, were
bred, as were the racehorses that concerned a rejuvenated mid-century
MSPA, and that characteristic Thornton sees as symbolic of the Bosto-
nians' emerging relish for aristocratic values. Breeding, too, was symbolic
of elite infatuation with the re-creation (my words, not Thornton's) of a
new chain of being with demonstrable biological superiority at its apex.
The propertyless base rested content with a cheaper symbol: mass-
produced prints of none other than the virtuous Marshfield Farmer
himself, Daniel Webster.
Cultivating Gentlemen is an exquisite example of the act of reading
seemingly peripheral cultural developments for their larger historical
meanings. This book is likely to stand as the definitive account of the
cultural development itself, the "rural pursuits" movement of elite Bos-
ton, Some additional material might be here-closer tracing of the shape
and proliferation of suburban country estates, more detailed study of
transportation as a facilitator of estate formation, broader consideration of
estate inheritance patterns-but what is here is quite good. Thornton
provides us with a clear chronology and a sophisticated analysis of
REVIEWS OF BOOKS
609
organizational membership and rhetoric. She is indefatigable in uncover-
ing the British models Bostonians followed. The illustrations, a judicious
admixture of portraits, estate renderings, and British analogues, are
exquisite, as are several of the biographical sketches, most notably of
Christopher Gore, Josiah Quincy, Daniel Webster, and Francis Parkman.
A biographical appendix offers "rural biographies," with sources, of thirty
elite Bostonians, many of them not discussed in the text. As for interpre-
tation, since Thornton adheres to Jaher more closely than to Peter D. Hall
(The Organization of American Culture, 1700-1900 [New York, 1984]),
never mind Gabriel Kolko ("Brahmias and Business, 1870-1914," in Kurt
Wolff and Barrington Moore, eds., The Critical Spirit [Boston, 1967],
343-363), there is less will to power and more langst in the book than some
might expect or wish-which, in the study of a subject so lacking in the
conventional surface manifestations of social utility, is as it should be.
University of Massachusetts-Amberst
RONALD STORY
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